Bellingcat has identified at least 80 police stations or infrastructure related to law enforcement agencies and the Basij paramilitary group that has been damaged or destroyed in the first three weeks of the United States and Israel’s war against Iran. Experts told Bellingcat that both countries aim to degrade the Iranian regime’s “repressive capacity”.

Combined, the US and Israel have conducted thousands of strikes during the course of the 2026 war in Iran. Targets range from Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) sites, Navy vessels to Iranian weapons manufacturers.

In early March, a Bellingcat analysis using satellite imagery and available photos and videos identified police stations as another apparent target, with at least 15 damaged or destroyed in the capital, Tehran.

We also identified multiple strikes against police infrastructure in the country’s north and west; these areas were targeted by the Israel Defence Forces according to a map released by the IDF on March 31.

“We are providing the brave people of Iran with the conditions to take their destiny into their own hands,” declared the Israeli Ministry of Foreign Affairs official X account, along with a photo of a destroyed police station.

اینجا کلانتری ۱۲۱ سلیمانیه در خیابان نبرد تهران بود.

ما شرایطی را برای مردم شجاع ایران فراهم می‌کنیم تا سرنوشت خود را در دست بگیرند. pic.twitter.com/VSm6YVvIwZ

— اسرائیل به فارسی (@IsraelPersian) March 5, 2026

In all, the majority of strikes Bellingcat analysed focused on police stations (30 incidents) and command centers or headquarters (29 incidents). Locations also include sites related to Basij, a plainclothes paramilitary organisation (9) affiliated with the IRGC that were “involved in the deadly crackdown” of protests in January 2026, others are associated with special forces (3) and traffic (2) or diplomatic (2) police compounds.

Related articles by Bellingcat

Investigations

Satellite Imagery Reveals Strikes on Iranian Police Stations

Due to commercial satellite companies limiting access to imagery over Iran and neighbouring countries we relied on Sentinel-2 imagery data to help verify the incidents, as well as videos and photos, some of which were also verified by independent geolocators and contributors to the Geoconfirmed volunteer community and confirmed by Bellingcat researchers. 

Location data was partly determined using open source mapping data either from Wikimapia, OpenStreetMap or Google Maps. When video footage or photos were available for incidents reportedly targeting police stations, the location was verified with geolocation and satellite imagery analysis using either Planet Labs medium resolution PlanetScope data (restricted to imagery collected by March 9) or low resolution Sentinel-2 data.

Some locations were discovered utilising location data taken from OpenStreetMap using Overpass Turbo and comparing that with available Sentinel-2 data throughout Iran.

Map showing geolocated incidents in Iran. Click the markers to view the coordinates, sources, and verification notes. Map: Bellingcat/Miguel Ramalho

A Problem of Scale

Israel has released multiple videos showing the targeting of bases and checkpoints belonging to the Basij. In mid-March, the IDF announced the killing of the paramilitary group’s commander, Gholamreza Soleimani. 

Targeting the Basij is part of Israel’s and the US’ agenda “to degrade the regime’s repressive capacity,” Ali Vaez, the director of International Crisis Group Iran Project, told Bellingcat. Police stations are “not involved in repression in the way that crowd control police or Basij centers are”, so targeting them “appears more aimed at preventing the Islamic Republic from being able to maintain control internally,” he said.

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Vaez told Bellingcat that, when considered alongside the broader range of targets, including industrial factories, the widespread targeting of police stations is part of a strategy “to make Iran ungovernable for the existing regime or whatever comes after”. 

Vaez was skeptical about the short term effects: “It’s a problem of scale. Iran is such a large country, even if you are able to completely destroy, not just degrade, the capacity of the regime in policing, oppressing, etc – it really requires not just maybe weeks but maybe months if not years.”

The Risk of Civilian Casualties

As of April 7, the Iranian Human Rights Activists News Agency estimates there’ve been more than 1,700 civilian fatalities during the war. 

Several police stations are situated in densely populated urban areas such as Tehran. Stations are used by civilians for various reasons including renewing driving licences, so if these buildings are targeted “during working hours and not in the middle of the night then risk is higher for these people,” Vaez said.

Map showing geolocated incidents in Tehran. Click the markers to view the coordinates, sources, and verification notes. Map: Bellingcat/Miguel Ramalho

A recent joint Airwars, Center for Civilians in Conflict and Human Rights Activists in Iran report detailing the first month of civilian casualties included a section on the worsening situation for detainees in Iranian prisons — including police stations that have been targeted. 

“I was detained in the holding cell of [Police Station 148] for ten days, along with four other activists. Now it looks like nothing is left of that station but ruins. I can’t even recognize where the detention area was. I keep wondering what happened to the people who were being held there during the attack. – Activist, told HRA upon seeing photos of the police station after recent US/Israeli airstrikes.”

Footage shared and geolocated by the BBC’s Shayan Sardarizadeh showed Police Station 148 damaged after an apparent strike in mid-March.

The main building of Tehran’s 148 police station and its courtyard, located on Enghelab Street, has been severely damaged in air strikes conducted on Friday.

The adjacent Hamoon Theatre also sustained some damage.

Video: @Vahid

Location: 35.700812, 51.402163@GeoConfirmed pic.twitter.com/9sdOtHd2XN

— Shayan Sardarizadeh (@Shayan86) March 14, 2026

One destroyed police station identified by Bellingcat in the city of Mahabad in northwestern Iran led to apparent damage to an Iranian Red Crescent Society building located next door. According to Iran’s Tasnim News agency (an IRGC-affiliated media outlet sanctioned by the EU, the US and Canada), one Red Crescent employee was injured in the attack.

The police station adjacent to the Red Crescent building isn’t identified on any mapping services, though there are reports “Police Station 11” was targeted the same day.

Israel has also targeted checkpoints operated by Basij members.

Bellingcat examined two cases showing Israeli strikes on checkpoints while civilians were passing. In one video, a strike hits a checkpoint as five motorbikes and a vehicle go by.

In another IDF video, a yellow bus is immediately adjacent to the checkpoint when it is hit. It is unclear how many people were on the bus at the time of the strike or if anyone was injured.

According to the Open Source Munitions Portal (OSMP), Israeli drones commonly employ the Mikholit bomb. A variant of this bomb has 890 grams of explosives, an amount that creates hazardous fragmentation up to 104 meters away. 

“I have been watching the reporting on these Basij strikes and the use of the Mikholit in particular in open urban areas. It is IDF standard—using precision munitions and even sometimes “low collateral” munitions but in a reckless manner that still puts the civilian population at risk,” Wes J. Bryant, a defence and national security analyst formerly with the Pentagon’s Civilian Protection Center of Excellence told Bellingcat.

Questions Over Legality

International Humanitarian Law defines civilians as “persons who are not members of the armed forces”. Police officers fall under that definition, according to Adil Haque, Professor of Law at Rutgers University and Executive Editor at Just Security.  “As a rule, police are civilians and may not be attacked unless they take a direct part in hostilities,” Haque told Bellingcat. National security analyst Bryant agreed, adding that targeting police “does not stand up to legal scrutiny”.

In an email to Bellingcat, the IDF noted “that the police form part of Iran’s internal security apparatus, which also forms part of Iran’s armed forces, under Iran’s own domestic legislation. In every strike, the IDF takes feasible precautions in order to mitigate incidental harm to civilians and civilian objects to the extent possible under the circumstances.”

Police are indeed “part of the country’s armed forces. By that logic, anything with a flag on it is a legitimate target,” Ali Vaez, the director of International Crisis Group Iran Project, said.

Although Basij is a paramilitary group, any strikes against it would require precautions to minimise harm to civilians, Haque told Bellingcat. “Since the hostilities almost entirely involve aerial bombardment, the concrete and direct military advantage anticipated from strikes on Basij members who qualify as combatants is extremely low, so significant harm to nearby civilians would be disproportionate and illegal,” he said.

When asked about potential civilian casualties in the checkpoint strikes, the IDF told Bellingcat that since the Basij are subordinate to the IRGC and are therefore part of the armed forces, they are regarded as lawful military targets. Regarding the checkpoint strikes specifically, they stated “precision munitions and surveillance means were used in the strikes, as part of the precautions taken under the circumstances to mitigate expected incidental harm”.

Bellingcat reached out to US Central Command (CENTCOM) to ask if the US had any role in the police station strikes identified but received no official comment at the time of publication. 

The data collected so far for these sites can be found here.

Miguel Ramalho and Felix Matteo Lommerse contributed to this report.

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The post “Make Iran Ungovernable” – Tracking Efforts To Destroy Iran’s Police Infrastructure appeared first on bellingcat.

Access to open source visuals of the current Iran conflict, which has spread to many parts of the Middle East, continues to be sporadic. Videos and photos from within Iran trickle out on social media as the Iranian internet blackout hinders the flow of digital communication. 

In past conflicts, satellite imagery has provided a vital overview of potential damage to both military and civilian infrastructure, especially when there are digital black spots or obstacles to on-the-ground reporting. But imagery from commercial providers is becoming increasingly restricted, leaving even those who have access to the most expensive imagery in the dark. 

Shortly after the war in Gaza began in 2023, Bellingcat introduced a free tool authored by University College London lecturer and Bellingcat contributor, Ollie Ballinger, that was able to estimate the number of damaged buildings in a given area. This helped monitor and map the scale of destruction across the territory as Israel’s military operation progressed. 

Bellingcat is now introducing an updated version of the open source tool — called the Iran Conflict Damage Proxy Map — focused on destruction in Iran and the wider Gulf region. 

It can be accessed here.

How it Works

The tool works by conducting a statistical test on Synthetic Aperture Radar (SAR) imagery captured by the Sentinel-1 satellite which is part of the Copernicus mission developed and operated by the European Space Agency. SAR sends pulses of microwaves at the earth’s surface and uses their echo to capture textural information about what it detects. 

The SAR data for the geographic area covered by the tool is put through the Pixel-Wise T-Test (PWTT) damage detection algorithm, which was also developed by Ollie Ballinger. It takes a reference period of one year’s worth of SAR imagery before the onset of the war and calculates a “normal” range within which 99% of the observations fall. It then conducts the same process for imagery in an inference period following the onset of the war, and compares it to the reference period. The core idea is that if a building has become damaged since the beginning of the war, then the “echo” (called backscatter) from that pixel will be consistently outside of the normal range of values for that particular area. Investigators can then further probe potential damage around this highlighted area.

The plot below shows how the process was applied to Gaza and several Syrian, Iraqi and Ukrainian cities. The bars represent the weekly total number of clashes in each place, sourced from the Armed Conflict Location Event (ACLED) dataset. The pre-war reference periods are shaded in blue, spanning one year before the onset of each conflict. The one month inference periods after the respective conflicts  began are shaded in orange. The blue and orange areas are what the tool compares. 

The plot below shows an area with a number of warehouses in Tehran’s southwest. Some of the buildings show clear damage in optical Sentinel-2 imagery (something that has to be accessed outside of the tool via the Copernicus Browser). 

Clicking on the map within the tool generates a chart displaying that pixel’s historical backscatter; the red dotted lines denote a range within which 99% of the pre-war backscatter values fall. In this example, we can see that from March 14 onwards, the backscatter values over this warehouse begin to consistently fall outside of their historical normal range. This could signal that damage has been detected in the area.

Two important aspects of this workflow are that it utilises free and fully open access satellite data, as opposed to commercial satellite services; the second is that it overcomes some key limitations of AI in this domain, the most serious of which is called overfitting. This is where a model trained in one area is deployed in a new unseen area, and fails to generalise. Because we’re only ever comparing each pixel against its own historical baseline, we don’t run into that problem. 

Accuracy

The PWTT has been published in a scientific journal after two years of review.  Its accuracy was  assessed using an original dataset of over two million building footprints labeled by the United Nations, spanning 30 cities across Gaza, Ukraine, Sudan, Syria, and Iraq. Despite being simple and lightweight, the algorithm has been recorded achieving building-level accuracy statistics (AUC=0.87 in the full sample) rivaling state of the art methods that use deep learning and high resolution imagery. The plot below compares building-level predictions from the PWTT against the UN damage annotations in Hostomel, Ukraine. True positives (PWTT and United Nations agree on damage) are shown in red, true negatives are shown in green, false positives in orange, and false negatives in purple. The graphic shows the accuracy of the tool, while also emphasising that further checks on what it highlights should be conducted to draw full conclusions.  

It is important to note that just because the tool may show a high probability of a building or buildings being damaged or destroyed, that doesn’t make it definite. 

It is best to check with any other available imagery — either open source photos and videos that’ve been geolocated by a group such as Geoconfirmed or Sentinel-2 as well as other commercial satellite imagery if it’s up-to-date for the area. At time of publication, Sentinel-2 satellite imagery still offers coverage over the area that the tool focuses on. Other commercial satellite imagery providers have limited their coverage.

What the tool excels at is highlighting and narrowing down areas so that further corroboration or further confirmation can be sought.

Testing the Tool

Using the Iran Conflict Damage Proxy Map, we can spot some of the larger areas of potential damage or destruction that have occurred since the Iran war started. 

Starting from a zoomed-out view of Tehran, there are a few spots that appear with large clusters of high damage probability. Cross-referencing these locations with open source map data from platforms like OpenStreetMap or Wikimapia, we can start finding sites that would make for likely targets – such as military sites.

One example of a potentially damaged site visible in the tool is the Valiasr Barracks in central Tehran, which was struck in the first week of the war. By going to the Copernicus Browser and reviewing the area with optical Sentinel-2 imagery, we can see clear indications of damage at the barracks.

IRGC Valiasr Barracks in Tehran:

A large Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) compound near Isfahan is another example of military infrastructure that is readily visible in both the Iran Conflict Damage Proxy Map as well as Sentinel-2 imagery. 

IRGC Ashura Garrison in Isfahan:

Air bases have also been a frequent target for U.S.-Israeli strikes in Iran. The Fath Air Base just outside of Tehran, near the city of Karaj, shows the signature of potential damage when using the tool. Checking Sentinel-2 imagery shows damage to multiple large buildings on the northern side of the base.

Fath Air Base in Karaj:

The U.S. has stated that destroying Iran’s “defense industrial base” is also a goal, which makes large areas like the Khojir missile production complex east of Tehran a good location to search with this tool. The tool suggests large clusters of damage on both the eastern and western sides of the complex — near areas where solid propellant is reportedly produced and where other fuel components are reportedly made.

Khojir Missile Production Complex outside of Tehran:

Usage in the Gulf Region

While useful for providing a sense of damaged areas in Iran, the Iran Conflict Damage Proxy Map can also be used to see damage outside of Iran, particularly at sites in the region which Iran has been targeting with drones and missiles.

In the below example at Al Udeid Air Base in Qatar, which hosts U.S. Central Command’s Combined Air Operations Center, there is a notable indication of damage over a warehouse-like building at 25.115647, 51.333125. Checking the same location in Sentinel-2 imagery shows that there does appear to be damage at that warehouse — represented by a large blackened area on the white roof. According to Qatar’s Ministry of Defense, at least one Iranian ballistic missile struck the base in early March.

Al Udeid Air Base in Qatar:

Civilian sites struck by Iranian drones or missiles are also visible in the tool — though the damage has to be fairly large in order to be picked up. Something like damage to the sides of high rise buildings from an Iranian drone attack doesn’t readily appear in the tool. Sites that do appear are places like oil refineries, such as a fuel tank at Fujairah port in the United Arab Emirates. 

Fuel tanks at Fujairah Port, UAE:

Accessing the Tool

It’s important to keep in mind that the data for the Iran Conflict Damage Proxy Map is updated approximately one or two times per week as new satellite data is collected by the Sentinel-1 satellite, so it’s not meant to be a representation of real-time damage to buildings. 

Still, it can be useful for researchers to quickly gain an overview of damage throughout Iran and the Gulf where suspected strikes may have taken place and when there is no other open source information available.

You can access the Iran Conflict Damage Proxy Map here.

Similar tools using the same methodology to assess damage in Ukraine following Russia’s full-scale invasion and Turkey following the 2023 earthquake can be found here. The Gaza Damage Proxy Map can be found here. 

Bellingcat’s Logan Williams contributed to this report.

This article was updated on April 7, 2026, to note that Sentinel-1 and Sentinel-2 are part of the Copernicus mission developed and operated by the European Space Agency.

Bellingcat is a non-profit and the ability to carry out our work is dependent on the kind support of individual donors. If you would like to support our work, you can do so here. You can also subscribe to our Patreon channel here. Subscribe to our Newsletter and follow us on Bluesky here, Instagram here, Reddit here and YouTube here.

The post When Satellite Imagery Goes Dark: New Tool Shows Damage in Iran and the Gulf appeared first on bellingcat.

Bellingcat has identified several high-profile incidents where authorities in the United Arab Emirates have downplayed damage, mischaracterised interceptions and in some instances not acknowledged successful Iranian drone strikes on the country.

A review of official statements shows that the public account does not always align with what can be observed through open sources. This comes as the UAE faces sustained aerial attacks on civilian and economic infrastructure, challenging its image as a secure global hub for business and tourism. Hours after the United States and Israel launched coordinated attacks on Iran on Feb. 28, the Islamic Republic responded by launching an attack against US-allies in the region including the UAE. 

In the wake of the attacks, the UAE’s attorney general warned that publication of images or videos of strikes was illegal. People were also encouraged to report anyone sharing photos or videos of the strikes to authorities. 

The country’s attorney general has ordered the arrest of 35 people and said they would face an expedited trial for “publishing video clips on social media platforms containing misleading, fabricated content and content that harmed defence measures and glorified acts of military aggression against UAE.” Separately police in Abu Dhabi reported they had arrested just over 100 people on suspicion of filming incidents related to Iran’s attacks on the UAE and sharing misleading information online.

Bellingcat contacted the Dubai Media Office, the Fujairah Media Office as well as the UAE’s Ministry of Defence to understand how statements are put out and how distinctions are made between successful drone strikes and damage caused by debris. We did not receive a response by the time of publication.

“Spreading Rumours is a Crime”

During the first days of the conflict several videos were posted on social media, primarily on X, TikTok and Telegram showing footage of Iranian attacks and interceptions across the UAE. 

Around the same time the Dubai Media Office, the X account of the Government of Dubai’s press office, warned followers that legal action would be taken against those sharing “unverified material”.

 The X account of the Dubai Media Office has more than 2.3 million followers making it one of the largest state-run accounts in the country. 

“The public and media are urged to rely solely on official sources for accurate information and refrain from sharing unverified material,” the account posted.

Dubai Police issued similar warnings on social media, stating that sharing content that contradicts official announcements could lead to imprisonment of at least two years and fines of no less than 200,000 dirhams (approximately $55,000).

Despite authorities urging the public to rely on official sources only, Bellingcat found that some of the videos posted online as well as satellite imagery from the region contradicts a number of official accounts of high-profile attacks. For this piece we have only included links to videos that have already been widely published in mainstream news outlets, posted by professional journalists, or have been widely viewed on social media.

Successful Interceptions?

On March 3, a video filmed from a vessel appears to show a drone striking the port of Fujairah, one of the UAE’s most strategically important energy hubs. The port handles roughly 1.7 million barrels of oil per day and is among the world’s largest.

The drone appears to approach its target intact, with no visible sign of interception, Sam Lair, a researcher at James Martin Center for Nonproliferation Studies, told Bellingcat. 

Moments after it descends behind storage tanks, an explosion is heard and a large plume of smoke rises from the site.

On the same day, the Fujairah Media Office stated that a fire resulted from debris following a successful interception, adding that the fire had been brought under control. Satellite images captured on March 4 and 5 show thick black smoke rising from the site. NASA FIRMS data also detected fires on March 3, March 4 and March 5. By March 7, satellite imagery shows at least three storage tanks fully destroyed (25.184565, 56.345481).

Detained in Dubai, a group that provides legal advice to people detained in the UAE, said that a Vietnamese national who filmed the strike on Fujairah port had been detained by authorities after posting the footage online. 

Authorities made a similar report on March 1, stating that a fire at one of the berths of Jebel Ali Port was caused by debris from an aerial interception. Satellite imagery from the same day shows fires at two separate locations – approximately 3 km apart – within the port. One appears to be a central facility associated with fuel handling operations, connected via pipelines to surrounding storage tanks (25.00704, 55.07499). The other is a large structure (24.97953, 55.05204) in the military area of the port, which is one of the US Navy’s busiest ports in the Middle East. The New York Times previously identified an Iranian strike as the cause of the fire at the site. 

Burj Al Arab: A “Limited” Fire

Damage at Dubai’s Burj Al Arab Hotel was attributed by the Dubai Media Office to “shrapnel” from an intercepted drone and described as a “limited” fire. However, footage shows the fire extended to approximately 30 metres in height, covering approximately eight floors of the building, suggesting a far more significant incident than officially described.  

Lair told Bellingcat that the damage appeared more consistent with a direct impact. He added that if the damage had resulted from an interception it would have occurred irresponsibly close to the building.

Fairmont The Palm: Omission of Cause

On Feb. 28, the Fairmont hotel in Dubai’s Palm Jumeirah area was struck by a drone, as shown in footage verified by Bellingcat.

However the Dubai Media office did not confirm a strike took place, instead they stated  only that an “incident occurred in a building in the Palm Jumeirah area,” and urged the public not to share footage.

One video of the fire was shared by a Dubai-based Bloomberg journalist. In the replies to the journalist’s post, multiple users tagged the Dubai Police, a pattern seen across posts documenting the strikes, in an apparent effort to flag violations of the cyber-crime laws to authorities.  

The aftermath of the strike was also captured by a content-creator who has since left the UAE. 

Radha Stirling, founder of Detained in Dubai, told Bellingcat at least five people have been confirmed by the British embassy to have been charged and detained under the UAE’s cybercrime law in connection with documenting this strike. According to Stirling, authorities have sought access to individuals’ phones following incidents to determine whether they filmed or shared footage.

“Even just taking a photo is illegal, it’s illegal to share content that the government deems negative, even in a private message,” Stirling said.

Dubai International Airport: An Unacknowledged Strike

On March 7, the Dubai Media Office announced the temporary suspension of operations at Dubai International Airport, stating only that a situation was being handled under safety protocols. 

Footage that emerged online around the same time, and was verified by Bellingcat, shows a drone strike next to an airport terminal building (25.24165, 55.37498).

Stirling told Bellingcat that she has been in contact with a cabin crew member who was detained after sending an image to colleagues of Dubai airport after an explosion. 

Warda Complex: A Direct Hit

On March 1, a drone struck a residential apartment on the 19th floor of the Warda complex in Dubai (25.004320, 55.293164). Two videos filmed from different angles show the drone hitting the building directly, with no visible sign of interception. In one clip, filmed inside the apartment, a British resident says: “We’ve just been hit by a drone… I didn’t even finish my cup of tea.”

The footage shows relatively limited damage and no explosion, indicating the drone did not detonate. However, the incident appears to show a direct hit by an Iranian drone.

In contrast, statements published the same day by the Dubai Media Office describe air defence activity and attribute sounds heard across the emirate to successful interception operations. Bellingcat was unable to find any acknowledgement of a direct hit in UAE media.

These cases point to a gap between official accounts and observable evidence, raising questions about how incidents are being presented to the public.

Influencers and Narrative Control

At the same time, pro-government messaging has proliferated online. A number of near-identical videos posted by influencers promoting the UAE’s safety and leadership appeared, often using the format: “You live in Dubai, aren’t you scared?” followed by images of UAE leaders and the response: “No, because I know who protects us.” 

Analysis by the BBC found that some of these videos were uploaded within seconds of each other, suggesting coordinated activity.

Stirling told Bellingcat that influencers in the UAE, who require licences to operate, are often paid to promote official narratives. “They are seen as an asset,” she said, describing them as “almost an extension of the government.”

As of April 1, UAE media reported that a total of 12 people had been killed and 190 injured by strikes since the beginning of the war.  

“People are dying. It’s not as safe as the government is reporting. It’s not as safe as influencers are reporting. It’s like a dream narrative that you wish was true.” Stirling said.

Bellingcat also identified a number of incidents in which authorities reported deaths or injuries caused by “debris” following “successful interceptions”. In these cases, however, we were unable to identify supporting photo, video, or other independently verifiable evidence to corroborate the official account.

Notably, fewer videos of such incidents appear to have emerged online in recent weeks, likely as public awareness of detentions under the cyber-criminality law has increased.

Jonathan Dagher, head of the Middle East desk at Reporters Without Borders told Bellingcat that the UAE government was using the Iran war to further restrict independent reporting in the country. 

“When the conflict began, the government stepped up this repression, explicitly prohibiting the public (including journalists) from publishing photos or information related to the strikes, and encouraging the public to report on such incidents.”  

He added that legitimate concerns about national security should not infringe on the public’s right to information. 

“Broad and loosely worded bans on covering events, in the name of security, violate this right and expose journalists to arrest and violence.”

Bellingcat contacted the Dubai Media Office, the Fujairah Media Office as well as the UAE’s Ministry of Defence to understand how statements are put out and how distinctions are made between successful drone strikes and damage caused by debris. We did not receive a response by the time of publication.

Lana Nusseibeh, a representative of the UAE’s Foreign Ministry previously told the BBC: 

“In order for everyone to feel safe it’s important at this time that the information is credible and the sources are reliable. That is the basis of the legislation that has come into play in this State, which is obviously a tense time.” 

She added that her advice for residents, citizens, tourists and journalists in the UAE was to: “Follow the guidelines. The guidelines are there for your safety and for your protection.” 

Merel Zoet contributed to this report.

Bellingcat is a non-profit and the ability to carry out our work is dependent on the kind support of individual donors. If you would like to support our work, you can do so here. You can also subscribe to our Patreon channel here. Subscribe to our Newsletter and follow us on Bluesky here, Instagram here, Reddit here and YouTube here.

The post The War You’re Not Allowed to See: How the UAE Rewrites the Story of Iranian Strikes appeared first on bellingcat.

Since launching the military campaign against Iran on Feb. 28, the US and Israel have dropped thousands of bombs on the country. Videos of explosions have become a source of misinformation and misunderstanding, with many of the strikes incorrectly attributed to a particular munition and many explosive effects – seen in footage and images – falsely attributed to “mystery” or illegal weapons.

Take the below post that initially suggested (although it said more analysis was required) that the US may have used a nuclear weapon in Iran, an outlandish and clearly incorrect claim that experts Bellingcat spoke to had little time for.

IMPORTANT UPDATE AND NOTE: The following is not a complete assessment and I require more data to verify first use. This is a surface level observation but it must be noted.

The US used what appears to be, without additional details, a nuclear weapon on Iran delivered by a… pic.twitter.com/7ucJNdGyNi

— Korobochka (コロボ) (@cirnosad) March 11, 2026

The post, set to private after the publication of this guide, appeared to suggest that a nuclear explosion happened in Iran. Source: X/cirnosad

“The video does not show a nuclear explosion—something that I am astonished even needs to be clarified,” Dr NR Jenzen-Jones, Director of Armament Research Services, a weapons intelligence consultancy, told Bellingcat.

Mushroom clouds can form when explosions produce hot gases that quickly rise and encounter resistance from denser, colder air. (Clouds created by nuclear weapons can also vary significantly in appearance.)

“Certain types of explosive munitions, such as those working on the fuel-air explosive (FAE) and thermobaric principles, are particularly poorly understood by non-specialists. As a result, these and other types of munitions are routinely misidentified,” Jenzen-Jones said.

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Often posts about explosives are incorrect or inaccurate because of a lack of knowledge about how explosives work, but in other cases misinterpretations are deliberate. Joe Dyke, director of programmes at Airwars, told Bellingcat that deliberate disinformation that shifts responsibility of a strike is the most common they see, with posts often sharing flimsy but “scientific sounding” analysis.

Better understanding explosives can make it easier to identify misinformation surrounding explosions. 

This guide explains explosives, their characteristics and the impact they have on people and infrastructure. We highlight the differences between thermobaric and Dense Inert Metal Explosives (DIME), two types of explosives that are frequently the subject of misinformation.

What Are Explosives?

Explosives are energetic materials capable of causing death and destruction through a rapid release of energy. The blast creates pressure waves emanating from the epicentre. These waves can directly kill or injure people and shatter objects into lethal fragments.

High explosives are typically used in warheads and shells; they differ from low explosives which are often used in rocket propellants. The supersonic speed of the explosive reaction- classified as detonation- also separates the two kinds of explosives. During detonation, temperatures can rise above 3,000 °C, but only briefly and very close to the reaction zone, Dr Sabrina Wahler, a Postdoctoral Scholar at the California Institute of Technology focusing on research of detonation products told Bellingcat.

The detonation creates a shockwave, which is a visible wave or bubble in high speed videos. The shockwave impacts people and objects before the sound of the blast can be heard.

The shockwave is the result of the pressure pushing air away from the blast in the positive phase. When the air rushes back in the negative phase, it creates a suction effect.

The shockwave arrival time, combined with a known distance, has been used to estimate the explosive weight of blasts, including the Beirut explosion in 2020.

Reactive materials, such as aluminium powder, are often added to explosives to improve performance. These metals react with the gaseous products from the detonation, resulting in increased energy output, Jacqueline Akhavan, a Professor of Explosive Chemistry at Cranfield University, told Bellingcat.

Sometimes, reactive metals such as aluminium from the explosive composition can be seen burning outside the fireball, indicating an explosive with reactive metal.

The size of a fireball does not necessarily indicate the blast’s power. In movies and airshows, a “Hollywood shot” involves igniting large amounts of gasoline with small amounts of explosives, creating spectacular fireballs with minimal pressure.

Thermobaric, and dense inert metal explosives (DIME), are other types of explosive compositions where metals are added to modify specific effects.

Thermobaric Explosives

In January 2024, after an attack in Gaza, social media posts appeared claiming that thermobaric explosives “literally sucks the air out of the children’s lungs and causes them to internally explode”. According to an article by Dr Rachel Lance, a biomedical engineer specialising in patterns of injury and trauma from explosions “there is no evidence that thermobarics pull the air out of the lungs”. 

There were also claims that thermobaric weapons incinerate people. According to a report by the Armament Research Services, the effects of this type of explosion “are of the same nature as those expected from a conventional high explosive”. The only difference is that the duration of each effect is likely to be longer from a few milliseconds to tens of milliseconds and in a pressure wave with a lower peak.

This occurs because thermobaric explosives add a significant amount of fuel or reactive metals to the explosive composition. Some of the fuel burns after detonation. These munitions are effective against cave or bunker systems, as the pressure wave can travel further throughout the structure.

Visual differences can indicate the types of explosives used. Even within the same category, explosives may appear different because of variations in chemical composition, conditions where the explosion occurs, and video quality.

TÜBİTAK SAGE’den yerli termobarik patlayıcıda yeni bir adım daha!

Kapalı alanlarda yüksek darbe ve sıcaklık etkinliğine sahip yeni bir termobarik patlayıcı

TENDÜREK’ten sonra KOR ile geleneksel patlayıcılara göre 4 kat daha yüksek sıcaklık etkinliği pic.twitter.com/N4yZ8YvMi9

— TÜBİTAK SAGE (@SageTubitak) March 5, 2020

Comparison of KOR, a thermobaric explosive, and TNT, in a test by TÜBİTAK SAGE, a Turkish Defense Research Organization. Source: X/TÜBİTAK SAGE.

Many countries, including the US, Russia, China, Ukraine, Iran and Turkey, use enhanced blast and thermobaric explosives. Russia has used them in Ukraine and Syria. Israel uses munitions that have variants featuring thermobaric warheads, but the use of thermobaric explosives has not been confirmed.

Fuel-air explosives are similar to thermobaric explosives, but function differently. Both are volumetric weapons, but fuel-air explosives disperse a cloud of fuel, then the explosion occurs.

Dense Inert Metal Explosives

Unsubstantiated claims of DIME munitions have regularly surfaced since 2006, when they were first alleged to have been used in Gaza. Similar claims have reappeared in Gaza since the war began on Oct. 7, 2023. 

Dense Inert Metal Explosives (DIME) are typically used in munitions intended to reduce civilian harm. Non-reactive metals, like tungsten, added to the explosives reduce the area impacted by the blast, but increase the power. Often munitions filled with DIME replace steel casing with carbon fibre to reduce fragmentation.

Some sources refer to DIME as a multiphase blast explosive, a term that also covers some explosives with reactive metals. Photos from testing show mannequins near the blast coated in tungsten powder.

Some claims of DIME use in Gaza mention the presence of powder or microscopic shrapnel found on victims. “Peppering” and “tattooing” are mentioned (warning: graphic content) as common injuries in blast victims, where the explosion propels small debris like sand into the body, along with fragments of various sizes.

The US Air Force has accepted delivery of at least 500 DIME-filled GBU-39A/B bombs, and has used at least 23 in combat. No transfers of GBU-39 A/B FLM bombs from the US to any other country, including Israel, have been reported, and a Bellingcat analysis of GBU-39 strikes in Gaza between October 2023 and January 2026 did not find any evidence of this variant being used.

There is currently no conclusive evidence that militaries aside from the US have used DIME in combat.

Clues From Clouds

Clouds, and the colours of the smoke can provide clues about the type of explosive. However, chemical composition, environmental conditions, and location can all affect how explosions appear. 

Clouds

This footage, originally posted on social media in November 2025, shows an explosion in Gaza.

The Israeli army launched thermobaric and pressure bombs, supplied by the United States, on Gaza. These bombs, which burn at a temperature of 3,500 degrees Celsius, are capable of killing thousands in seconds, leaving no trace. pic.twitter.com/pZhoIfsazP

— China pulse (@Eng_china5) February 12, 2026

Video of an explosion in Gaza, falsely attributed as a thermobaric weapon. Source: X/@Eng_china5.

The visible cloud in the video is a condensation or Wilson cloud, caused by an explosive shockwave interacting with humid air. This same effect is visible in videos of the Beirut explosion in 2020, when ammonium nitrate exploded at the port after a fire.

Another view of the explosions in Beirut pic.twitter.com/efT5VlpMkj

— Borzou Daragahi (@borzou) August 4, 2020

Video of the 2020 Beirut ammonium nitrate explosion. Source: X/Borzou Daragahi.

Smoke colours

Colours in the smoke of an explosion can help identify the gases, which in turn can help identify the explosive material, Dr Rachel Lance told Bellingcat. “Yellow, orange, and red tones each indicate the presence of specific chemicals.” 

Black smoke means “the bomb produced a lot of fire and inefficiency, because materials burned instead of detonated, and was probably a homemade or improvised explosive”. White or light grey smoke indicates “an efficient detonation, and that tells us it was a pure, high-grade material inside,” Lance said.

Some munitions, like cruise or ballistic missiles, may have efficient high explosives, as well as low explosive propellants or fuel. The area targeted, such as buildings, may lead to dust or debris that obscure the gases created by the explosion. 

In some cases, multiple bright fireballs are launched into the sky, accompanied by a rapid humming or throbbing sound and bright flashes. This typically happens when solid-fuel rocket motors, like those in air defence or ballistic missiles, are burning or exploding.

Major secondary explosions after a U.S. airstrike in the vicinity of Higuerote Airport in Venezuela tonight. pic.twitter.com/NrFOVj9IfM

— OSINTtechnical (@Osinttechnical) January 3, 2026

Venezuelan Buk Air Defense System rocket motors ‘cooking off’ after being targeted by US strikes in Jan. 2026. Source: X/Osinttechnical.

Geolocation

Geolocation of the explosion site can help identify or rule out potential explanations. Large explosions can be caused by much smaller bombs hitting storage sites or production sites for ammo. The geolocation of the video below indicated that the location hit was a storage area for missiles.

Qom today looks like it was hit by a GBU 57 bunker buster.

The GBU 57 Massive Ordnance Penetrator is a 30,000 pound bunker busting bomb designed to penetrate deep underground before detonating. pic.twitter.com/d4bGJ19nQb

— Open Source Intel (@Osint613) March 11, 2026

Video shared by a user claiming this video shows the use of a GBU-57 “Massive Ordnance Penetrator”. A now-suspended user claimed the video showed the “Mother of All Bombs”. Source: Osint613.

Blast Effects on People

Misinformation regarding blast effects on people might lead to reports of harm to be wrongly dismissed or false claims about mystery weapons to spread.

In February 2026, claims of “vaporisation” or disintegration of people due to thermobaric weapon explosions appeared online. Days later, counterclaims argued that explosives can’t “disintegrate” people and thermal effects were not responsible.

According to multiple studies, even less powerful explosives can cause disintegration. When explosions occur in enclosed spaces, such as inside a building, they reflect shock waves, leading to increased blast effects.

Blast injuries are generally classified into four categories, based on what mechanism is causing the injuries.

The primary effect, the blast itself, “puts tremendous strains on human tissue, causing them to rip and tear, both internally and externally, so massive internal bleeding can occur,” Brian Castner, a weapons investigator for Amnesty International, told Bellingcat.

Primary injuries can lead to a variety of symptoms, including vertigo, vomiting blood, and bleeding from the ears. A viral post shared by the White House Press Secretary claimed to be firsthand testimony from a Venezuelan security guard following US strikes in Venezuela. The post alleged that the US used a sonic weapon without any supporting evidence, and the symptoms described are typical of primary blast injuries.

The secondary effect results from the metal fragments of the munition. Some weapons are specifically designed to break into uniform small pieces, Castner said. “Even small fragments, the size of a bullet, can break a bone, since the metal is flying through the air so quickly,” the weapons investigator explained.

Even single fragments can injure or kill people hundreds of metres away from a blast. People close to it may be largely disintegrated, often described (warning: graphic content) as “total body disruption” in Forensic Medicine.

“Combined, these blast and fragmentary effects can do horrific damage to the human body, and if a person is close enough to a large munitions detonation, leave little trace they ever existed,” Castner told Bellingcat.

A recent Bellingcat investigation into three specific US-made munitions used in Gaza found videos showing small pieces of human bodies consistent with total body disruption, at several different strikes within the dataset.

Explosions can also cause burns or thermal injuries. Temperature is not the most relevant factor, because “by the time a human body is exposed to the temperatures of a burning explosive, people will have severe trauma and death,” Dr Lance told Bellingcat.

In many real-world cases “the blast pressure reaches farther than the thermal flash,” Dr Sabrina Wahler said. “The thermal danger becomes much larger and longer lasting when the explosion occurs in a confined space, when the formulation supports continued burning with air, or when the detonation triggers secondary fires that keep generating heat well after the initial blast,” she noted.

Flash burns are often seen on exposed parts of the body close to the blast (warning: graphic content). Explosions that start fires or contain incendiary materials can result in severe burns.

Are These Explosives Legal?

Misinformation often raises questions about legality, with false claims that specific weapons are inherently illegal or misrepresenting how they work. This is one of the reasons that nations conduct legal reviews of new weapons, Michael Meier, a former Senior Advisor to the Army Judge Advocate General for Law of War, and current Adjunct Professor at Georgetown University Law Center, told Bellingcat.

Thermobarics and DIME are legal if their use complies with specific principles of international humanitarian law (IHL) and the law of armed conflict (LOAC), such as proportionate and discriminate use, experts told Bellingcat.

“Even lawful weapons can be used in an unlawful manner”, Michael Meier said. One example is when they are directed against civilians or when they are used in a manner that breaches the principles of distinction or proportionality, he explained.

“The law’s ability to prevent harm is constrained by the compromises between military necessity and humanity made in its creation,” Dr Arthur van Coller, Professor of International Humanitarian Law at the STADIO Higher Education and a legal expert on thermobaric explosives, told Bellingcat.

“As a result, weapons that cause immense destruction may remain lawful (even nuclear weapons) if they fit within legal definitions, even when their humanitarian impact is severe,” van Coller explained.

Bellingcat is a non-profit and the ability to carry out our work is dependent on the kind support of individual donors. If you would like to support our work, you can do so here. You can also subscribe to our Patreon channel here. Subscribe to our Newsletter and follow us on Bluesky here, Instagram here, Reddit here and YouTube here.

The post Explosive Misinformation: A Guide to Mushroom Clouds, ‘Sonic Weapons’ and Disintegration appeared first on bellingcat.

The US appears to have deployed the Gator Scatterable Mine system over Kafari, a village near Shiraz, in southern Iran overnight. Several people were killed according to Iranian media. 

Three experts told Bellingcat the munitions appeared to be air-delivered US-made Gator anti-tank mines. 

The US is the only participant in the Iran war known to possess Gator Scatterable Mines. 

Bellingcat asked the US Department of Defense whether it had dropped the mines overnight, but did not receive a response at time of publication.

Dr NR Jenzen-Jones, Director of Armament Research Services, told Bellingcat that the images appeared to show US-made anti-tank landmines. 

“These images show what appear to be American BLU-91/B scatterable anti-tank landmines. 

“The BLU-91/B is dispensed from the CBU-78/B or CBU-89/B air-delivered cargo bombs (cluster munitions). 

“The presence of square ‘aeroballistic adaptors’ indicates that the mines seen here were delivered by air. Similar mines can be dispensed from the vehicle- or helicopter-based Volcano system.”

Amael Kotlarski, Weapons Team leader at Janes, also identified the mines as BLU-91/B ‘Gator’ anti-tank mines. Kotlarski told Bellingcat “the BLU-91/B is dispensed from either the US Air Force’s CBU-89/B (72 BLU-91/B and 22 BLU-92/B) or the US Navy’s CBU-78/B (45 BLU-91/B and 15 BLU-92/B).”

He elaborated that the BLU/92B is an anti-personnel mine, similar in appearance to a BLU/91B, though not identical.

“No BLU-92/B is observable in the photographic evidence presented so far. This could be that they have not been found, or that the dispensers were loaded solely with AT mines to help reduce the risk to civilians.”

Gator Scatterable Mines System

The Gator system is an air-delivered dispenser system or cargo bomb that distributes mines over an area. These dispensers contain a mixture of either 94 or 60 BLU-92/B anti-personnel and BLU-91/B anti-vehicle mines depending on which dispenser is used. These dispensers release the mines over an area of approximately 200 by 650 metres.  In the images reviewed by Bellingcat, it is not clear which dispenser was used, or how many dispensers were deployed.

Andro Mathewson, an independent open source analyst, who formerly worked at landmine-clearing NGO The HALO Trust, told Bellingcat the images showed BLU-91/B mines.

Some of the images of the mines posted by Iranian media show an aeroballistic adaptor. The aeroballistic adaptor is only present on the BLU-91/B and BLU-92/B, not on other mines within the US Family of Scatterable Mines (FASCAM), indicating that these were deployed from a Gator system aircraft dispenser.

BLU-91/B and BLU-92/B Mines and Self-Destruct Features

Both BLU-91/B and BLU-92/B mines are activated two minutes after being deployed; however, a very small number can fail to properly arm and explode. These mines also have self-destruct features with a variable delay which means they may randomly explode hours or days after they are dispensed. They may also explode if disturbed. These features make them particularly dangerous.

The self-destruct can be set for 4 hours, 48 hours, or 15 days, but the mines may self-destruct before then.

So far, only visual evidence of magnetically influenced BLU-91/B anti-tank mines has been posted online, but these mines are usually deployed alongside the anti-personnel BLU-92/B. The BLU-92/B also deploys tripwires.

In addition to the self-destruct features, the BLU-92/B anti-personnel mines have an anti-handling device (AHD) that is intended to make the mine explode when disturbed. While BLU-91/B anti-tank mines do not have an anti-handling device (AHD), they “may detonate when moved, because the mine may sense a significant change from its original orientation.”

Amael Kotlarski of Janes told Bellingcat that “The mine will go off if subjected to significant movement.” This could explain local reports that a man was killed when he picked one up near his car. 

Uniquely US Weapons

The US is the only participant in the war known to possess these mines. They were developed after the US stopped supplying arms to Iran. A review of Stockholm International Peace Research Institute’s (SIPRI) Arms Transfer Database, and US Major Arms Sales does not show any transfers of these mines to Israel.

Dr Jenzen-Jones also told Bellingcat that “Scatterable anti-tank landmines may have been employed to deny vehicles access to or from so-called ‘missile cities’. This could both prevent TELs [missile launch vehicles] from leaving, and limit efforts to re-establish access to facilities (for example, by preventing excavators from operating at collapsed entrances).”

Bellingcat geolocated some of the mines to the village of Kafari, Iran (coordinates 29.50544059, 52.48745447 and 29.50964897, 52.48920842). This video shows at least three mines approximately two kilometres away from the entrance to what is reported to be Shiraz South Missile Base, an Iranian “missile city.” 

Bellingcat asked the US Department of Defense to confirm whether they dropped mines in this area, how many were deployed, and what the intended target was. They did not respond at time of publication.

Bellingcat was unable to determine how many more mines were scattered over the village. Some mines may not yet have been found due to where they landed. 

Bellingcat’s Carlos Gonzales and Logan Williams as well as Felix Matteo Lommerse contributed research to this article.

The post Evidence Points to US Scattering Mines over Iranian Village appeared first on bellingcat.

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Bellingcat has geolocated footage of multiple Tomahawk cruise missiles travelling through Iraqi airspace towards Iran, either in violation of its airspace or with Iraq’s consent.

Bellingcat identified at least 20 individual cruise missiles and geolocated them over Iraqi Kurdistan including alongside Mount Piramagrun, in the Zagros Mountain range, and approximately 50 km southeast of the city of Kirkuk.

Modern Tomahawks can travel up to 1600 km, and are used for precision strikes. At the start of the war, the US had a carrier strike group in the Mediterranean and the Arabian Sea, as well as some independently deployed destroyers.

The US is the only participant in the war known to possess Tomahawks, which can be launched by ships or submarines. US President Donald Trump said at a press conference on Monday that Iran “also has some Tomahawks”. Official ​​government reports on Iran’s military balance don’t support this claim.

Considering the distance of US vessels to the geolocated missiles, the missiles seen in the videos were most likely fired from the Mediterranean Sea, Sam Lair, a research associate at the James Martin Center for Nonproliferation Studies, told Bellingcat.

Red Sea launches would be pushing the maximum range, and US Navy ships were not known to have been in the Persian Gulf at the start of the war, Lair said.

Brian Finucane, a senior adviser with the US Program at the International Crisis Group, told Bellingcat that without the consent of Iraq and Syria, the intrusion of Tomahawk missiles into their airspace “would violate its sovereignty and international law”. 

We asked the US State Department and Department of Defense as well as the foreign ministries of Iraq and Syria, if ​​the US had an agreement with Iraq or Syria to utilise their airspace for cruise missiles targeting a third country. The Department of Defense told Bellingcat they “had nothing to provide” while neither the Iraqi nor Syrian ministry had responded at the time of publication.

On Tuesday, Iraqi Prime Minister Mohammed Shia al-Sudani spoke with US Secretary of State Marco Rubio and stressed that Iraqi airspace and territory should not be used for any military action targeting neighbouring countries, the prime minister’s media office said.

Bellingcat geolocated at least eight videos showing Tomahawk missiles over Iraq. The videos show at least 20 individual Tomahawk missiles, based on the longest uninterrupted video we reviewed.

The below graphic shows all Tomahawk missiles Bellingcat has geolocated, which includes additional missiles identified outside of Iraq.

Click the arrows in the map below to view the verified missile sightings, including the original footage and geolocation analysis.

Interactive map showing the approximate locations of US carrier groups in the region at the start of the war, with a 1600 km range, in relation to Tomahawks geolocated by Bellingcat. We included a possible Red Sea launch point for visualisation, reference and comparison purposes only. The white arrows indicate the location of Tomahawk sightings. Their respective directions of travel are shown by default. All coordinates and directions shown are approximate. Source: Logan Williams/Bellingcat.

These missiles don’t always make it to their intended target. In addition to footage of the airborne missiles, Bellingcat also identified remnants of a Tomahawk missile that had crashed outside Kafr Zita in northwest Syria.

Missiles Fired From the Sea

On the first day of the war, Feb 28, the US Central Command (CENTCOM) published footage of Tomahawk missiles being fired from the sea. Later on March 1, CENTCOM released additional video of the USS Thomas Hudner (DDG-116) firing a Tomahawk missile, while operating in the Eastern Mediterranean Sea. 

According to a Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) analysis, more than 160 Tomahawk missiles may have been used in the first 100 hours of the war, and “they would have been used to destroy Iranian air defenses and other counter-air capabilities and create permissive conditions for follow-on attacks”.

Arleigh Burke-class guided-missile destroyer USS Thomas Hudner (DDG 116) fires Tomahawk land attack missiles in support of Operation Epic Fury, Mar. 1, 2026. (U.S. Navy video)

Tomahawk Flights Through Iraqi Airspace

The footage analysed by Bellingcat showing cruise missiles travelling over land is consistent with the typical flight profile of Tomahawks, which cruise at low altitude along pre-programmed routes toward distant targets. 

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According to the US Navy, “Tomahawk cruise missiles are designed to fly at extremely low altitudes at high subsonic speeds, and are piloted over an evasive route by several mission tailored guidance systems.”

This explains why they are sometimes filmed by civilians during transit. Similar sightings have previously been recorded during US conflicts in the Middle East. 

Bellingcat analysed terrain features and solar data in the footage and confirmed the location and approximate direction of travel of the Tomahawk missiles. We found that they followed the terrain closely, and appeared to follow two different valleys near the Iraq-Iran border.

The Zagros mountain range stretches across much of Iran as well as northern Iraq. The mountains of this valley would provide details for the Tomahawks’ terrain matching guidance, and hide them from Iranian radar detection.

Click the arrows in the map below to view the verified missile sightings, including the original footage and geolocation analysis.

Interactive map showing the locations of Tomahawk sightings. The missiles were travelling through Iraqi airspace towards Iran in valleys near the Iraq-Iran border, and near Kirkuk. The respective directions of travel are shown (white arrows). All coordinates and directions shown are approximate. Source: Logan Williams/Bellingcat.

Other Geolocated Footage 

In a video filmed in Tehran and posted on the first day of the war, six Tomahawk missiles can be seen flying over the Qurkhane Bus Terminal in Tehran, as an anti-aircraft gun on a nearby building fires at them. Other gunfire can be heard in the distance.

Bellingcat previously geolocated a Tomahawk strike in Manib, Iran, near a school where 175 people, including children, were reported to have been killed.

A final video analysed by Bellingcat, posted on March 3, shows 13 Tomahawk missiles flying past a commercial ship in the direction of Iran, the M/V MAERSK BOSTON, while it was off the coast of Oman, according to solar, visual and Marine Traffic data.

New Tomahawk Variants

Since the beginning of the war, two new variants of Tomahawk missiles have been observed.

One Tomahawk variant seen publicly for the first time, distinguished by its visible black body, believed to be a stealth coating. Other missiles appear to have wings angled forwards, a modification designed to make them harder to detect by radar, according to an analysis by The War Zone.

Clobbering

Sam Lair, a research associate at the James Martin Center for Nonproliferation Studies, told Bellingcat that Tomahawks have GPS guidance and use terrain matching to determine their location. When there is an error in guidance, some missiles can “clobber” and hit the ground.

The US stopped firing Tomahawk missiles over Saudi Arabia during the 2003 Iraq War after some crashed in the country while attempting to strike targets. About ten Tomahawk missiles crashed during that war, with some landing in Iran and Turkey as well.

Bellingcat’s Logan Williams and Felix Matteo Lommerse contributed research to this article. Livio Spani, Anisa Shabir, Afton Briones, Mathis Noizet, and Nicole Kiess from Bellingcat’s Volunteer Community also contributed to this piece.

Bellingcat is a non-profit and the ability to carry out our work is dependent on the kind support of individual donors. If you would like to support our work, you can do so here. You can also subscribe to our Patreon channel here. Subscribe to our Newsletter and follow us on Bluesky here, Instagram here, Reddit here and YouTube here.

The post Tracing Tomahawks: US Missiles Bound for Iran Spotted Over Iraq appeared first on bellingcat.

New video footage shows a US Tomahawk missile hitting an Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) facility in Minab, Iran, on Feb 28, showing for the first time that the US struck the area.

The footage, released by Mehr News and geolocated by Bellingcat, also shows smoke already rising from the vicinity of the girls’ school where 175 people were reportedly killed, including children.

New video footage shows a US Tomahawk missile hitting an IRGC facility in Minab, Iran, on Feb 28, showing for the first time that the US struck the area. The footage also shows smoke already rising from the vicinity of the girls’ school, where 175 people were reportedly killed. pic.twitter.com/4jBXrNcRJO

— Trevor Ball (@Easybakeovensz) March 8, 2026

The footage would appear to contradict US President Donald Trump’s claim that it was an Iranian missile that hit the school.

The US is the only participant in the war that is known to have Tomahawk missiles. Israel is not known to have Tomahawk missiles.

The red cone superimposed over this image shows the estimated area of impact of the missile visible in the footage. The graphic also shows the position of a clinic, the school and other damaged buildings.

Planet Labs satellite imagery shows that only two structures within this red cone were damaged, including a clinic.

The other structure appears to be an earth-covered magazine or bunker.

Giancarlo Fiorella and Merel Zoet contributed research to this piece.

Bellingcat is a non-profit and the ability to carry out our work is dependent on the kind support of individual donors. If you would like to support our work, you can do so here. You can also subscribe to our Patreon channel here. Subscribe to our Newsletter and follow us on Bluesky here, Instagram here, Reddit here and YouTube here.

The post Video Shows US Tomahawk Missile Strike Next to Girls’ School in Iran appeared first on bellingcat.

The Israeli Air Force (IAF) has dropped 5,000 bombs on Iran since the United States and Israel launched an attack last week, according to a statement by the IAF on March 4.

Bellingcat has monitored weapons used in the first few days of the war, and strikes across the region, including those that caused civilian harm. Some weapons, such as the US Precision Strike Missile, have seen their first use in combat. A variant of the Tomahawk missile, previously unknown to the public, was also used.

On March 3, the IAF posted three images in three separate posts showing a bomb not publicly seen in Israeli service before. The Israel Air Force released these photos accompanied with claims they were of jets participating in the strikes on Iran. Experts told Bellingcat that this bomb appears to have an incendiary component, and may be one intended to destroy chemical or biological warfare agents.

The images appear to show 2,000-pound-class air-delivered bombs fitted with Joint Direct Attack Munition (JDAM) guidance kit with a red band around the nose. Red is commonly used to denote an incendiary, while yellow indicates high explosive effect.

We identified key details about the munition and shared the images with two weapons experts.

Apparent Similarities to the MK 84

Dr N.R. Jenzen-Jones, the director of Armament Research Services (ARES), a weapons intelligence consulting company, told Bellingcat these images show a 2,000-pound-class air-delivered bomb fitted with a Joint Direct Attack Munition (JDAM) guidance kit.

Frederic Gras, an Explosive Remnants of War (ERW) expert, also told Bellingcat that the bomb could be of the US MK 80 series, or an Israeli copy, and has a JDAM guidance kit.

The US JDAM bomb guidance kit is designed for use with bombs that use the MK 80 series bomb bodies, and the closely related BLU-109 “bunker buster” body. 

The Open Source Munitions Portal added the munition to their website on March 3, describing it as “visually similar to a MK 84 general purpose aerial bomb”, while noting that “the marking scheme is distinctly different”. The War Zone also reported on these distinct markings, and possible munitions it could be.

“The combination of yellow and red bands probably indicates both a high explosive and incendiary payload, which would be consistent with a 2,000-pound-class bomb of MK 84 form factor known as the BLU-119/B Crash Prompt Agent Defeat (CrashPAD),” Dr Jenzen-Jones told Bellingcat.

Frederic Gras, an Explosive Remnants of War (ERW) expert said that the US and Israel both use red markings to indicate an incendiary payload, or effect. The bomb could be a full incendiary payload, with the yellow band indicating a bursting charge, or it could be a bomb primarily with a high explosive component, and a secondary incendiary effect, Gras added.

Red Bands on Israeli Weapons

It’s not the first time the Israeli Air Forces has published weapon images with red bands marking the warhead or payload section of a munition. Shortly after the start of the Gaza War in 2023, the IAF posted a photo which included an Apache attack helicopter with a Hellfire missile with a red band. The IAF deleted the post and replaced it with a similar photo of an Apache without this missile.

This fueled speculation online that this could be an incendiary or the thermobaric variant of the Hellfire missile, the AGM-114N. It has been approved by the US for sale to Israel.

M825A1 155mm white phosphorus artillery projectiles, munitions designed to create smoke, used by Israel also have a red band and a yellow band around the nose. 

Israeli munitions which are not incendiary have also been spotted with light red bands over the fuel tanks for munitions with jet engines, such as the Delilah cruise missile.

Designed To Target Chemical or Biological Weapon Stockpiles

The markings are consistent with the US-produced CrashPAD, but “given the possible CBW [chemical and biological warfare] threats Israel has long faced from Iran, it is entirely plausible that an Israeli analogue was developed,” Dr Jenzen-Jones told Bellingcat.

The CrashPAD contains white phosphorus and high explosives, and is designed to destroy biological and chemical warfare agents according to US government documents.

Dr Jenzen-Jones told Bellingcat that the CrashPAD is the only publicly known weapon of this type utilising a MK 84 bomb body although there are several programs producing similar munitions. A penetrating variant is known as the Shredder but it uses a modified BLU-109 bomb body, which is visually different from the MK 84 bomb body visible in the IAF photos.

CrashPAD has been in the US inventory for nearly two decades. “Chemical Agent Defeat weapons, such as Crashpad, are not illegal”, and they must undergo a legal review to ensure compliance with US domestic and international law, Michael Meier, former Senior Advisor to the Army Judge Advocate General for Law of War and current Adjunct Professor at Georgetown University Law Center, told Bellingcat.

“The express purpose for the reservation is that these weapons, such as Crashpad, are the only weapons that can effectively destroy certain targets such as biological weapons facilities, for which high heat would be required to eliminate bio-toxins,” Meier said.

Dr Arthur van Coller, Professor of International Humanitarian Law at the STADIO Higher Education, told Bellingcat that “if the CrashPAD is used as designed, i.e. to target chemical or biological weapon stockpiles sufficiently removed from civilian populations, then its use is consistent with IHL [International Humanitarian Law] and treaty law, even under CCW [Certain Conventional Weapons], Protocol III.”

Dr Arthur van Coller also said that the “United States and Israel are State Parties to the CCW itself,” but only the US is also a party to Protocol III on incendiary weapons, albeit with reservations, which means that Israel “is not legally bound by Protocol III’s restrictions on incendiary weapons (including those applying to CrashPAD) under treaty law”. Iran is not a party to the CCW at all.

The US is a major supplier of weapons to Israel, and has sent thousands of MK 80 series and BLU-109 bombs to the country. Israel also produces some MK 80 series bombs.

Israel and US Responses

The US Defense Security Cooperation Agency, which publishes details of some major arms sales, does not mention any transfers of the CrashPAD. Bellingcat asked the Department of State if the CrashPAD or weapons with similar capabilities were transferred to Israel. Bellingcat also asked the Department of State if they assessed that Iran had a chemical weapons program. A State Department Spokesperson told Bellingcat that “The Trump administration backs Israel’s right to self-defense” and referred Bellingcat to the IDF for questions about procurement and munitions used.

The US Department of Defense did not respond to requests for comment by the time of publication. 

Bellingcat asked the IDF what the bomb was, if it was supplied by the US, if it contained white phosphorus, thermobaric or fuel air explosives, and if the IDF assessed that Iran had a chemical weapons program. The IDF told Bellingcat that it “will not be able to provide details regarding the types of munitions it uses. With that said the IDF uses only legal weapons and ammunition.”

Bellingcat’s Carlos Gonzales contributed research to this article. Livio Spaini from Bellingcat’s Volunteer Community also contributed to this piece.

Bellingcat is a non-profit and the ability to carry out our work is dependent on the kind support of individual donors. If you would like to support our work, you can do so here. You can also subscribe to our Patreon channel here. Subscribe to our Newsletter and follow us on Bluesky here, Instagram here, Reddit here and YouTube here.

The post The Incendiary Bomb Never Seen in Israel Before appeared first on bellingcat.

US President Donald Trump said on January 2 that the US was “locked and loaded and ready to go”. Trump was talking aloud about intervening in Iran if it continued a violent crackdown on demonstrators who had taken to the streets over spiralling inflation and ongoing repression. 

Thousands of Iranian’s were reported to have been killed by state security forces in just under a month. According to Amnesty International, the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), the Basij plainclothes militia, police forces and other plain-clothed agents carried out the deadliest violence against protesters in decades.

On Saturday, February 28, the United States and Israel launched a large-scale attack against Iran, killing Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei and targeting military infrastructure throughout the country. President Trump initially told Iranians they should seize control of the government but on Tuesday this week said: “If you’re going to go out and protest, don’t do it yet. It’s very dangerous out there. A lot of bombs are being dropped.” Almost 800 Iranians have been killed in US and Israeli strikes so far, according to the Iranian Red Crescent. 

While the US has released a list of military targets, including IRGC headquarters and missile systems, Bellingcat has reviewed strikes against another type of target inside the Islamic Republic — police stations.

Experts told the New York Times that strikes against these facilities may be part of an effort to motivate Iranians to challenge the regime, although satellite analysis alone doesn’t allow us to tell if it is the US, Israel or both nations who have targeted police stations.

Mapping Targeted Police Stations

Using medium-resolution PlanetScope satellite imagery from Planet Labs, Bellingcat has been able to locate at least 15 local police stations or similar buildings that were struck between March 1 and March 3. Videos and photos shared on social media also show the aftermath of some of these strikes.

Comparing the March 1 PlanetScope satellite imagery with imagery taken on March 3, it’s possible to make out visible signs of building destruction throughout Tehran. Some of these sites have already been widely-reported on, including the strike on Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei’s compound and official residence.

But Bellingcat reviewed damage to a number of smaller buildings throughout Tehran and cross-referenced the locations with data on Google Maps, Open Street Maps and Wikimapia where we found that several were listed as police stations. The majority of sites we identified are in dense urban areas. 

Video shared by Iranian state broadcaster Tasnim News showed the aftermath of a strike on what it describes as a “diplomatic police station” near Ferdowsi Square — one of downtown Tehran’s main intersections. Another video taken at the same location shows at least two people on the ground with a large amount of damage to nearby buildings. Geolocation of the videos puts them at 35.7032, 51.4189, adjacent to a school and office buildings. 

Another video, geolocated by a volunteer with Geoconfirmed — a volunteer geolocation collective — shows a heavily damaged police station near Tehran’s Grand Bazaar. PlanetScope imagery from March 3 shows heavy damage to the area around the police station.

Photos and video from the Golestan Palace, a UNESCO World Heritage Site that sits adjacent to the police office, shows that it also sustained damage.

Iran’s Police and Law Enforcement

Iran’s security apparatus includes a network of police, plain clothes officers, civilian militia battalions known as Basij and the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps. During recent protests security forces were seen shooting protestors on the streets, and many of those killed showed signs of being shot in the head.

Iran has experienced several waves of anti-regime protests over the past 15 years, all of which have been put down by the authorities who have not shied away from using extreme violence to contain them.

Although the Financial Times reported speaking to a Tehran resident that said one of the police stations we identified, in the Gisha neighborhood, had hosted a branch of Iran’s morality police, it is thus far unclear from the satellite data whether any of the police stations had any particular role during the recent protests.

Trevor Ball, Logan Williams and Felix Matteo Lommerse contributed reporting to this piece for Bellingcat. Anisa Shabir and Stéphanie Ladel contributed from Bellingcat’s Volunteer Community.

Bellingcat is a non-profit and the ability to carry out our work is dependent on the kind support of individual donors. If you would like to support our work, you can do so here. You can also subscribe to our Patreon channel here. Subscribe to our Newsletter and follow us on Bluesky here, Instagram here, Reddit here and YouTube here.

The post Satellite Imagery Reveals Strikes on Iranian Police Stations appeared first on bellingcat.

The United States and Israel launched an attack on Iran on Saturday morning, killing Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei as well as several senior regime figures and striking multiple sites across the country. Iran retaliated by firing at targets across the region, including Israel, Bahrain, Qatar, the UAE and other Gulf states. The conflict is ongoing despite no declaration of war by the US Congress. US President Donald Trump initially called for regime change in Iran but has since delivered a mixed message about the aims of “Operation Epic Fury”.

Israel has said it dropped more than 2,000 bombs in the first 30 hours of the war. While the US claims to have struck over 1,000 targets in the first 24 hours, with President Trump stating that “bombs will fall everywhere”. In response, Iran is reported to have launched at least 390 missiles and 830 drones in the first two days.
Bellingcat has been monitoring strikes across the region, including those that caused civilian harm, and identified a wide variety of weapons have been used so far, including missiles and drones.

US-Made Weapons and Tomahawks Launched

The US reported that some of the first weapons they launched were Tomahawk missiles. Footage from the US McFaul also showed Tomahawks being launched.

There is also reporting that a new variant of the Tomahawk was used in these strikes.

Imagery of many other different munitions used by the US, Israel and Iran have appeared on social media. 

This article covers some of the munitions Bellingcat has seen imagery of as the war enters its fourth day.

Many of the weapons used so far have also been deployed in other recent US conflicts, including the 12-day Israel-Iran war, and US strikes in Yemen and Venezuela. 

The US is the major supplier of arms to allies in the region, including for Israel, Kuwait, Qatar, UAE, and Jordan.

On Sunday, the US Department Of Defence (DOD) published photos showing weapons being prepared for loading on aircrafts, including the MK-80 series of bombs like MK-82 500-pound bombs, and BLU-109 2,000-pound ‘bunker busters’ equipped with Joint Direct Attack Munition (JDAM) bomb guidance kits.

The DOD has also released several photos showing the C variants of the AGM-154 Joint Standoff Weapon (JSOW). As documented by the Open Source Munitions Portal, this weapon has been used recently by the US in Yemen and Venezuela.

The DOD also released a slideshow showing images from the first 24 hours of the war, including an image showing the first combat use of the Precision Strike Missile. The DOD further released a list of some equipment used, including the THAAD ballistic missile defense system.

Many of the weapons deployed by the US have also been used by Israel. This includes the MK-80 series of bombs, BLU-109 bombs and Joint Direct Attack Munition (JDAM) bomb guidance kits.

Israel also produces some of its own munitions, which they released video or photos of since the start of the conflict, including MK-83 1,000-pound bombs equipped with Israeli SPICE-1000 bomb guidance kits.

Israel also produces RAMPAGE missiles, visible in the image below. 

On Sunday, the DOD said they had used the Low-cost Unmanned Combat Attack System (LUCAS) one-way attack drones in strikes. The LUCAS drone is a US copy of the Iranian Shahed one-way attack drone.

A video of a crashed LUCAS drone has subsequently appeared online, reportedly in Iraq. 

While Bellingcat could not geolocate this video, then men seen in the footage can be heard speaking Arabic while US CENTCOM has said that this is the first time they have used this drone in combat.

Local Iraqi residents are taking the newly deployed, nearly intact American LUCAS drone for themselves. pic.twitter.com/fbx411iAYU

— Special Kherson Cat (@bayraktar_1love) March 2, 2026

A video shows a LUCAS drone that allegedly crashed in Iraq.

Iranian Attacks

Iran has retaliated by firing one-way attack drones, including Shahed variants, and missiles at Israel, and US-bases in various countries across the region, including UAE, Qatar, Kuwait, Jordan and Iraq. 

Iranian Shahed drones have hit civilian buildings in the Gulf, as well as US military bases.

Palm Jumeirah in Dubai was attacked by Shahed kamikaze drones.

[image or embed]

— Special Kherson Cat (@specialkhersoncat.bsky.social) 28 February 2026 at 15:37

A Shahed drone crashes into a hotel in Dubai on Feb. 28.

In Bahrain, a Shahed was seen crashing into a residential building on Feb. 28.

Virtually a first person view of the Iranian drone hitting the high-rise building in Manamah, Bahrain.

[image or embed]

— (((Tendar))) (@tendar.bsky.social) 28 February 2026 at 18:57

A Feb. 28. video shows a Shahed drone hitting a residential tower in Bahrain.

Many missiles have a booster, a rocket motor that detaches from the missile after it is expended. These boosters fall to the ground under the flight path of the missile. 

Bellingcat verified that Iranian missile boosters have fallen in nearby countries caught in the crossfire, including Qatar and Jordan (see below post geolocated to Al-Hashmi St. in Irbid, Jordan), while some Israeli boosters have reportedly fallen in Iraq.

اهلنا في اربد الله يحميكم pic.twitter.com/LvHWgicE4F

— فواز الذياب (@FawazElziyab) February 28, 2026

A Feb. 28. post shows an Iranian ballistic missile booster that fell on Al-Hashmi St. in Irbid, Jordan.

Iranian Missiles Intercepted

The US and Israel, as well as several Gulf countries, have fired missiles, intended to destroy Iranian missiles or drones in the air before they reach their targets. Many Iranian weapons have been intercepted, but others have successfully hit, including in a strike on a US command post in Kuwait, killing six US troops.  

Most ballistic missile interceptors are “hit-to-kill” where they are designed to destroy missiles by the impact. These interceptors have their own components that fall to the ground, as well as the debris from interceptions.

Remnants of Patriot Interceptor missiles, which are operated by the US and several Gulf countries, have been seen, and countries including the UAE have reported they have intercepted missiles. The UAE has claimed that 165 missiles and 541 drones were fired at the country, most were intercepted.  

A Sea of Unverified Images and Misidentification of Munitions

Many close-up images of munition debris have been posted on social media over recent days which are difficult to geolocate. While we have not been able to verify the location of these munitions, we used reverse image search tools to verify they had not been posted online prior to the current conflict. The munition remnants are also consistent with those used by the US, Israel and Iran. But as we cannot geolocate or chronolocate them yet, we cannot fully verify them. Many of these images have been posted with false claims about the object and who fired it.

Despite Bellingcat being unable to fully verify them, we are including a selection of them with accurate identifications, due to the likelihood that more images of these same objects will continue to appear online as the war continues.

One example of incorrectly identified munitions, is the below picture of an aircraft’s external fuel tank, or drop tank that was posted on Telegram on March 1 alongside the claim that it is an Israeli missile.

A Mar. 1. image shows a drop tank from an Israeli jet reportedly found in Anbar, Iraq. Source: NAYA.

Drop tanks are used on jets to extend the range and are jettisoned after use, resulting in these tanks falling to the ground. These tanks have been mistaken for missile parts in previous conflicts.

Despite Iran’s prevalent use of missiles, not all missile boosters are Iranian. On February 28 missile boosters from Israeli air-launched ballistic missiles were reportedly found just east of Tikrit, Iraq. The below image shows the booster from Israel’s Blue Sparrow series, and can be matched to images previously identified and posted on the likes of the Open Source Munitions Portal.

A short while ago, a missile landed near Duraji village in the Dauda area of the Khurmatu district.#Isreal #Iran pic.twitter.com/qzZLNUgekD

— Sarwan Wllatzheri (@SarwanBarzani_) February 28, 2026

A Feb. 28. post shows an Israeli Blue Sparrow series missile booster, reportedly found in Duraji, Iraq.

Additionally, unexploded WDU-36/B warheads from Tomahawk missiles were reportedly found –, one in Kirkuk, Iraq and one found near Jablah, Syria. Tomahawk warheads and other remnants are frequently misidentified, often as drones.

These titanium cased warheads comprise a small part of the much larger Tomahawk missile, and have been found intact in numerous countries when the warhead has failed to explode, as seen in images shared on the Open Source Munitions Portal. 

Unexploded Tomahawk warheads from strikes in other conflicts have also been identified by the Open Source Munitions Portal .

Remnants of an Israeli Arrow 2 interceptor missile were posted online, falsely identified as an Iranian missile, and were allegedly found in eastern Syria.  These images could again be matched to those found from previous conflicts on the Open Source Munitions Portal.

An Iranian missile fell in Al-Shoula area, south of DeirEzzor eastern Syria!. pic.twitter.com/TsWVuda2nf

— Omar Abu Layla (@OALD24) March 1, 2026

A Israeli Arrow 2 interceptor missile falsely identified as as an Iranian missile in a post on X.

An Ancient US Munition Used by Iran

One photo of a remnant reportedly found in Ahvaz, Iran, included a false claim that it was a US ATACMS missile. Bellingcat was able to confirm the image does not match ATACMS construction by comparing it to imagery of that munition. We have as yet been unable to confirm if it was indeed located in Ahvaz, Iran – although we were able to identify the munition.

U.S. ATACMS tactical ballistic missile remains found in Ahvaz, Iran.@Osinttechnical pic.twitter.com/plytSUI4w6

— Open Source Intel (@Osint613) March 1, 2026

An actuator section of a MIM-23 HAWK missile, falsely identified by the post above as an ATACMS missile.

The markings on the remnant include an  “FSN” or federal stock number, that can be looked up to identify the item. The FSN was replaced by the national stock number (NSN) in 1974, meaning this missile was produced prior to 1974.

Bellingcat looked up the  FSN/NSN (1410002343266) which corresponds with the US manufactured MIM-23B HAWK, an air defence missile. 

There are many other US, Israeli and Iranian munitions that may have been used in the current conflict, but images have not yet appeared on social media.

With fresh strikes carried out overnight/ early Tuesday and President Trump saying that “likely more” US troops will die, the conflict continues to escalate and shows no sign of ceasing in the days ahead. And despite the death of Ayatollah Ali Khamenei the Iranian regime has vowed revenge and continued strikes against Israel, the US and their Gulf allies.

Bellingcat’s Carlos Gonzales, Jake Godin and Felix Matteo Lommerse contributed research to this article. Anisa Shabir from Bellingcat’s Volunteer Community also contributed to this piece.

Bellingcat is a non-profit and the ability to carry out our work is dependent on the kind support of individual donors. If you would like to support our work, you can do so here. You can also subscribe to our Patreon channel here. Subscribe to our Newsletter and follow us on Bluesky here, Instagram here, Reddit here and YouTube here.

The post “Bombs will fall Everywhere”: The American, Israeli and Iranian Weapons Being Deployed in Middle East appeared first on bellingcat.

In the tiny town of Krasnopillia in rural Ukraine, the stillness of the night is shattered by the whine of a Russian drone. Seconds later, a community hospital bursts into flames. Sparks and debris rain down across the skeletons of trees as the fire sends plumes of smoke into the pitch-black sky.

Dozens of people are evacuated, according to local media reports – but as rescuers respond, in what appears to be a double-tap strike, Russian forces hit a shelter where more than 20 patients are huddled, including some with limited mobility. 

The strike in March 2025 comes just hours after a larger regional hospital in the northeastern Sumy governorate is targeted, decimating the primary health facilities serving the small town of Krasnopillia, whose prewar population was around 7,700. Healthcare services for the town “practically ceased” in the wake of the strikes, Olena Pryima, a local school director, told Bellingcat in a phone interview. 

“[The Russians] destroy the infrastructure so that people do not have the opportunity to live and exist normally. You cannot consult a doctor, nothing,” she said. “And now these people who remain, God forbid, the ambulance will not go there, just because the security situation does not allow it.”

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Her own school was among the many buildings destroyed in Russian strikes, and she says it has been impossible to rebuild amid the ongoing war. “We try to heat some accommodations, in spite of everything … especially since this winter is very difficult,” Pryima said. “But we are not talking about rebuilding at all now. We have hope; we are collecting some documents [such as testimonies and damage assessments], since this will end someday – and then we can rebuild something.”

For the past four years, Bellingcat has been documenting and verifying incidents such as these, chronicling the extensive damage to civilian life and infrastructure after the onset of Russia’s full invasion which began in February 2022.  

In over 2,500 cases of civilian harm that we have verified – the vast majority of which occurred on Ukrainian territory, although dozens also took place in Russia – more than 1,100 residential structures were hit. Hundreds of other civilian sites such as schools, playgrounds, fire stations, hospitals, churches, cultural centres, museums, businesses and farms have been impacted too. 

Our data – which includes cases that Bellingcat researchers were able to definitively geolocate using open source evidence, and does not reflect the full extent of civilian harm across Ukraine – pinpoints more than 300 attacks on schools or childcare facilities, 170 hits on healthcare or humanitarian sites, and four dozen incidents targeting food and related infrastructure. 

While many attacks were clustered around four main cities – Kharkiv, Donetsk, Kherson and Kyiv – we documented strikes across all areas of the country. Of the weapons that could be identified through available open source information, cluster munitions were used in more than 100 cases. 

Cluster munitions, which are banned in more than 100 countries (but not Russia or Ukraine), have killed more than 1,200 people since the war began, with Ukraine recording the highest number of annual casualties worldwide from these weapons in 2024 for the third consecutive year, according to the Landmine and Cluster Munition Monitor. 

Bellingcat and members of its volunteer community logged all verified incidents of civilian harm on an interactive TimeMap over a four-year period spanning February 2022 to December 2025. The map is no longer being updated, but it remains online as an archive (and can be seen below). 

An interactive map detailing incidents of civilian harm between February 2022 and December 2025.

Since Russia’s invasion four years ago, the civilian toll in Ukraine has been stark, with around 15,000 killed – including more than 750 children – and 40,600 injured, according to a January 2026 report by the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights. 

An analysis last year by Armed Conflict Location and Event Data (ACLED) found that Russia followed “a persistent pattern of targeting of populated areas … often indiscriminate, other times more deliberate”. 

ACLED’s data for the period of February 2022 to late January 2026 highlights thousands of residential strikes across Ukraine, along with more than 750 attacks on healthcare facilities, 1,200 on educational sites, and 2,400 on energy infrastructure. A February 2025 World Bank report says it will take more than US$500bn to rebuild Ukraine. 

These numbers tell only part of the story. While much global media attention has focused on the politics of the Russia-Ukraine war, or highlighted strikes on large urban centres, civilians in remote rural villages have suffered outsized impacts from the destruction of schools, hospitals and cultural institutions – the key threads tying their communities together.

In Verkhna Syrovatka, a small village in Sumy of around 3,800 people, images from the scene of shelling in May 2025 revealed a massive hole in the community’s blue-roofed cultural house. Inside the facility, which once served as a place for rehearsals, children’s classes and folk ensembles, photographs and trophies could be seen amid piles of splintered wood and cracked concrete.

The village’s only school was also impacted, with many of its windows blown out, forcing classes to move online. This devastation reflects a countrywide trend, as UNICEF reports that Ukrainian children are falling behind in core subjects such as reading, maths and science.

Incidents of civilian harm recorder by Bellingcat in Verkhna Syrovatka. Readers can click or tap the dots to learn more about each incident.

Further south, the village of Opytne in the Donetsk region is gradually being erased, amid a series of Russian attacks dating back more than a decade to the 2014 occupation of the Crimean Peninsula. 

The village has changed hands repeatedly in recent years. In December 2022, drone footage revealed large-scale destruction of its residential area, including a medical office, music school and church. According to media reports, perhaps only half a dozen residents remain out of more than 1,000 who lived in the village a decade ago.

Image left shows the village of Opytne in 2021, before Russia’s full invasion (Credit: Airbus/Google Earth Pro). Image right shows the village of Opytne in 2024 (Credit: Maxar/Google Earth Pro).

A couple of months later, in February 2023 in Dvorichna, a rural settlement in the Kharkiv region, Russian forces launched another double-tap strike: as first responders searched for survivors from an earlier attack on the village council building, several emergency vehicles were hit. 

Located just south of the Russian border, Dvorichna has been occupied on and off since 2022. As a result, the village, whose population was roughly 3,500 four years ago, is estimated to house only 80 residents today.

Across Ukraine, the catalogue of horrors is endless. In Pravdyne, a small village in the Kherson region, the prewar population of more than 1,000 people was reported to have dwindled to fewer than 200 by late 2022. Corpses showing signs of torture have been exhumed from garden beds; in one case, residents reportedly buried the bodies of Ukrainian soldiers under slabs of slate to prevent dogs from reaching them. 

Incidents of civilian harm recorder by Bellingcat in Pravdyne. Readers can click or tap the dots to learn more about each incident.

In Sumy Oblast, Russian drone and missile attacks have forced residents to flee homes they inhabited for half a century. In the village of Hroza in northeastern Ukraine, one-fifth of the population died in a single attack while attending the funeral of a soldier, according to local officials.

What may never be calculated are the impacts this brutal conflict will have on future generations.

Incidents of civilian harm recorder by Bellingcat in Hroza. Readers can click or tap the dots to learn more about each incident.

Back in Krasnopillia, the local school director, Pryima says residents have tried hard to stay in what she calls “the zone of resilience”, but it has been a struggle.

“It’s very scary to fall asleep, because you don’t know if you’ll wake up in the morning,” she said, noting that residents live in constant fear of the drones that fly overhead, keenly aware that a bomb may drop at any moment. 

For Ukrainian children, the effects have been especially dire.

“Those children, before the full-scale invasion, were carefree, cheerful – what children should be,” Pryima said. “Those children are no longer there.” 

Bellingcat is a non-profit and the ability to carry out our work is dependent on the kind support of individual donors. If you would like to support our work, you can do so here. You can also subscribe to our Patreon channel here. Subscribe to our Newsletter and follow us on Bluesky here, Instagram here, Reddit here and YouTube here.

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You can read an Arabic version of this investigation on Radio Dabanga’s site here.

Child soldiers linked to Sudan’s warring factions have gained viral fame on TikTok, with their videos attracting millions of views.

A Bellingcat investigation has found that the young boys – widely referred to as “lion cubs” – have become celebrated figures of the rival groups that have been fighting for control of the country since 2023.

Many of the videos we reviewed show the children in military uniforms posing with fighters and senior officials from both sides of the conflict – the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) and the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF). They are seen celebrating battlefield victories, delivering motivational speeches, and making violent threats. In some footage the children are armed.

Child soldier experts told Bellingcat that the visibility and popularity of this content, which portrays fighting as normal, celebrated and aspirational, could lead to the recruitment of more young people in the conflict.

Bellingcat flagged 12 TikTok accounts that had each posted viral content of child soldiers through the platform’s internal reporting mechanism. After more than 48 hours without action, we emailed TikTok to request comment, providing links to the reported content. This was done to give TikTok a further opportunity to review and remove the accounts, in order to minimise the risk of amplification by reporting on it. 

Following our inquiry, TikTok removed seven of the reported accounts. The remaining active accounts continue to host more than a dozen videos featuring child soldier content, which, according to TikTok’s own guidelines, breaches its content policies. (Update: Following the publication of this article, TikTok has removed all remaining active accounts.)

Under the Paris Principles, to which Sudan is a state party, a child soldier is defined as a person under the age of 18 “who is or who has been recruited or used by an armed force or armed group in any capacity”, whether or not they are directly involved in hostilities. 

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Bellingcat focused on two prominent “lion cubs” from opposing sides of the civil war to reveal how this content circulates across social media and gains traction – mostly on TikTok – despite platform rules that restrict content involving the exploitation and militarisation of children.

In some cases, the children film themselves near combat scenes, including in at least one instance with the bodies of recently deceased people. In others, they are filmed in choreographed appearances with high-profile commanders and political figures. The children are honoured as heroes by armed groups and their supporters, and their content is re-shared across hundreds of TikTok accounts, some of which have millions of followers.

Bellingcat is not including the names of the TikTok accounts or unblurred images of the children featured in the content due to their age. We also do not link to any of the accounts or posts to avoid amplification.

‘People Say I Will Die’: RSF Child Soldier

Bellingcat geolocated multiple TikTok videos showing an RSF “lion cub” – who appears to be a young teenager – celebrating the capture of the 22nd infantry division SAF base in Babanusa, a city in West Kordofan, in early December 2025. 

The videos, posted by pro-RSF TikTok accounts and viewed millions of times, show the child’s movements on the ground in the aftermath of the takeover. In the weeks that followed, the child’s TikTok account gained tens of thousands of followers and recent posts amassed hundreds of thousands of views. 

In a TikTok video posted to the child’s account on Jan. 1, 2026, in response to social media comments, the child says: “I see people on the [social] media saying that I will die. The person who dies is as if he has paid his debt” This video received more than 1,6 million views before TikTok removed the account following Bellingcat’s inquiry.

2 December 2025 – Copyright Pléiades Neo © Airbus DS 2025

Map Coordinates:

The RSF captured the SAF’s 22nd Infantry Division base in Babanusa on Dec. 1, 2025 following a prolonged siege, taking control of the last remaining SAF stronghold in West Kordofan.

A video posted by a pro-RSF TikTok account in early December, geolocated by Bellingcat, places the child at the North entrance of the SAF base, holding an assault rifle and celebrating alongside adult RSF fighters.

A second TikTok video shows him approximately 100 metres away, running toward the base’s main entrance amid audible gunfire, chanting “Allahu Akbar” and claiming the takeover of the SAF’s 22nd Infantry Division.

A crowd gathered outside the main entrance is also visible in the satellite image, consistent with RSF activity in the immediate aftermath of the takeover.

In a third, particularly graphic TikTok video geolocated by Bellingcat, the child films himself among what appears to be a group of close to ten dead bodies spread out on the ground inside of the SAF base.

Bellingcat identified objects consistent in size and placement with the grouping of bodies visible in the video on a high-resolution satellite image from Dec. 2. 2025.

Graphic imagery of bodies covered by Bellingcat. Number labels provided to show how we matched the positions of the bodies visible in the video to the satellite image.

The second TikTok video in which the child is running had been viewed more than two million times before it was removed. Its audio has since been reused in 200 additional videos on the platform, significantly amplifying its reach across pro-RSF networks. 

A shorter version of the same audio appeared in more than 70 additional videos. These included dozens of AI-generated clips, characterised by an animated style and visible inaccuracies in uniform badges and flags. Many of these TikToks depicted the child alongside senior RSF figures, such as the group’s leader, known as Hemedti, and an officer known as Abu Lulu. On Feb. 19, 2026, Abu Lulu was placed under sanctions by the US Treasury Department for his actions during the RSF’s takeover of Al Fashir, as analysed by Bellingcat.

The RSF “lion cub” appears in another TikTok video posted the day of Babanusa’s takeover, alongside what appear to be captured SAF soldiers whom he mocks as he leads chants praising the RSF. This post received hundreds of supportive comments, many of which appear to come from RSF fighters.

Footage posted on Dec. 5. shows the child being celebrated by RSF fighters as he sits on the shoulder of RSF commander Salih Al-Foti. Two popular pro-RSF TikTok accounts, with a combined 1,4 million followers, reposted the video with the caption: “Commander Colonel Salih Al-Foti honours the hero Al-Shibli [the lion cub]”. 

In the video, Al-Foti praises the bravery of the “lion cub”, a term the commander uses three times as he describes  how the child was on the battlefield during the first entry of the 22nd infantry division SAF base. “I see that the whole world is talking about this lion cub,” Al-Foti says in the video. He also states that the RSF does not recruit children or ask individuals of such a young age to fight, claiming instead that minors sometimes appear among RSF forces without prior knowledge or approval, acting voluntarily and fighting alongside adult fighters.

Al-Foti’s commanding role during the takeover of Babanusa is confirmed in an official RSF video in which he discusses the operation. Salih Al-Foti was previously named in a 2023 report by the UN Joint Human Rights Office in Sudan. The document cites testimonies accusing RSF forces under his command of intentionally killing civilians in Nyala based on tribal or ethnic affiliation. Following the RSF takeover of Babanusa, Al-Foti was promoted to the rank of Major General according to social media reports. The RSF “lion cub” congratulated him in a TikTok video posted on Jan. 10, 2026.

In response to Bellingcat’s findings, El Basha Tebeig, a media representative and advisor to RSF leadership, stated that the Rapid Support Forces maintains a dedicated human rights unit within its military structure and is committed to international humanitarian law and the Geneva Conventions, which prohibit the use of children in armed conflict. He said the RSF commander had issued standing orders prohibiting the participation of anyone under the age of 18 in military operations. 

Tebeig told Bellingcat that the incident at the 22nd Division base in Babanusa, in which a young child appeared in videos following the capture of the base, was unrelated to the RSF. When asked why the child sat on the shoulders of RSF commander Salih Al-Foti, Tebeig responded: “The child was present with his father to celebrate the liberation of the 22nd Division in Babanusa, and it is quite normal for children and women to attend such celebrations to participate in the festive atmosphere.” He also said that allegations concerning the use of child soldiers formed part of efforts by hostile political actors to damage the RSF’s reputation, and reiterated that the RSF remains committed to not using children in armed conflict.

‘Kill Every Traitor and Coward’: SAF Child Soldier

Bellingcat also identified the social media accounts of a viral SAF child soldier with more than 700,000 TikTok followers. The account name includes the term Shibli (شبلي), meaning “lion cub,” and its bio describes it as the “official account” of the child, alongside a note inviting advertising inquiries. This child appears to be younger than the RSF “lion cub”.

Unlike the RSF-linked child, the videos posted to this account show no activity near a frontline and appear to be carefully staged. The boy’s videos, which have amassed millions of views, repeatedly feature him in the SAF uniform (with SAF insignia on his beret, Sudanese flags and SAF camouflage) alongside armed soldiers and senior military figures, often in ceremonial or public settings.

In one TikTok video viewed nearly nine million times before it was taken down, the child recites a poem mocking RSF leader Hemedti. In another video, which received four million views, he delivers a speech in which he affirms Sudan’s unity from a raised platform surrounded by soldiers.

The “lion cub” also appears alongside senior figures in the Sudanese government. In one TikTok video, viewed more than seven million times, he is seen with Khaled Al-Aiser, Sudan’s information minister, declaring: “Our age does not allow us to take part in the war or to be mobilised alongside the army. Yet we wish to go to the front lines, carrying the DShK and the Goryunov machine guns, and driving a battle tank … We are small children, but in anger we are like a volcano: we erupt and kill every traitor and coward.”

Another TikTok video shows him with Minni Minawi, the leader of the largest faction of the Sudanese Liberation Army and the current governor of Darfur, whom he praises in a poem. The child also appears alongside Major General Abu Agla Keikel, a former RSF commander who defected to the SAF and now leads a force known as Sudan Shield, which has been accused of human rights violations, while reciting poetry in support of the group.

The visibility of child soldiers on both sides of the conflict has become a point of comparison and competition online. Several TikTok accounts, including a pro-RSF one with nearly one million followers, have posted videos inviting users to vote in the comments on which of the two viral child soldiers they support.

The two children are Sudanese, but who is braver?

video text

0 0 0 0

TikTok User The hero of Babnusa is well-known.

TikTok User The first one is a field man, and the second one is a media man, but there’s no comparison at all. Shibli’s readiness is unmatched! الاول زول ميدان والتاني زول ميديا بس مافي مقارنة اصلا شبلي الجاهزية كفو كفو كفو كفو كفو

TikTok User Al-Shibly Number 2 is just a performer. If you fired a Kalashnikov near him, he’d probably bolt. الشبلي رقم 2ده حكامه ساي لو ضربت جمبو كلاش ساي احتمال يفز

TikTok User 1

TikTok User Readiness cub

TikTok User 2222

TikTok User One cub is ready for action and the battlefield, while the other is all talk. شبل الجاهزية زول ميدان والتاني بتاع جعجعة

TikTok User Number 1, glory to you, Al-Shibli readiness

TikTok User Number 1, a champion, I swear!

TikTok User Shibli is ready

TikTok User The well-known needs no introduction, Shibli, readiness is key

Bellingcat reached out to the SAF for comment through multiple channels but had received no response by the time of publication.

Child Soldiers on Facebook

The Facebook pages of both the SAF and RSF-affiliated child soldiers are less active and popular, with each having about 7,000 followers. However, in contrast to the children’s own TikTok accounts, the content posted on the Facebook pages of the children themselves shows them carrying weapons. 

In one video posted to the Facebook page of the SAF “lion cub”, he is shown holding an assault rifle while reciting a poem threatening the RSF, saying that “slaughtering with a knife is sufficient, without the need for bullets”. Another video, from April 2025, shows the child standing beside a destroyed tank in Khartoum International Airport (15.60108, 32.54597), declaring the city liberated. 

Meanwhile, a Facebook story posted to the page of the RSF “lion cub” in December 2025 shows him posing with a light machine gun and wrapped with ammunition belts.

Although Bellingcat found evidence of child soldier content visible on other social media platforms, we focused on TikTok and Facebook due to the higher level of user engagement surrounding the individual “lion cubs”.

How ‘Lion Cub’ Content Encourages Recruitment

Experts told Bellingcat that videos showing child soldiers in conflict helped to encourage recruitment, with armed groups using visibility and praise to draw other young people in.

Michael Wessells, professor of Clinical Population and Family Health at Columbia University, is a psychosocial and child protection practitioner who advises UN agencies on child soldiers and the psychological impacts of war on children. He said the public celebration of the children in these videos can directly encourage recruitment.

“What seems to be going on is the recruitment of children by honoring children who are willing to fight,” Wessells said. “They are given names such as ‘lion cubs’ that honor their strength and warrior nature, while bringing them into the fold at an early age.”

Wessells warned that online praise and virality can strengthen violent identities and normalise participation in armed conflict, particularly among adolescents seeking recognition, belonging, and purpose. He said the online presence of child soldiers had increased their reach and influence as recruitment tools. 

Mia Bloom, professor of Communication and Middle East Studies at Georgia State University, and a leading expert on the exploitation and recruitment of children by armed groups, said the public elevation of child soldiers also turns them into powerful role models, used to motivate both adults and youth to join armed groups.

“They’ve become famous, almost equivalent to Disney child stars in the US, where everybody knows their name,” Bloom told Bellingcat. “The message becomes: look how famous he got by doing that – maybe if I join the movement, I can also be famous.”

Bloom warned that this kind of visibility can trigger a well-documented copycat effect among young audiences. When children go viral for their association with armed groups, she said, it helps legitimise participation in violence and presents it as normal, celebrated, and aspirational.

On youth-oriented platforms such as TikTok, the viral child soldiers give armed groups what Bloom described as an “attractive face” for younger audiences, signalling that participation can bring status, recognition, and fame. In this way, the elevation of child soldiers as online celebrities risks encouraging other young people to emulate them, transforming children into powerful recruitment symbols.

Dr Gina Vale, who has published research on the Islamic State’s recruitment and use of child soldier “cubs” in propaganda, added that the prominent depiction of armed children at combat scenes makes for very effective propaganda. Vale explained that the images of militarised children are designed to be shocking and emotive, while conveying the power and control of an armed group over future generations.

Children Increasingly Drawn into Sudan’s Civil War

Bellingcat’s findings come amid longstanding concerns about the recruitment of child soldiers in Sudan’s civil war. In 2023, the UN Special Rapporteur on trafficking in persons, Siobhán Mullally, warned that unaccompanied and impoverished children were being targeted by the RSF, as worsening food shortages, displacement, and the collapse of basic services left them vulnerable to recruitment, including into combat roles. 

The UN Human Rights Council Fact-Finding Mission for Sudan reported in October 2024 that the RSF had “systematically recruited and used children in hostilities”, including in combat roles and in activities such as manning checkpoints and recording and disseminating abuses on social media.

With regard to the SAF, the Fact-Finding Mission said it had received credible reports of children joining youth groups under the banner of “popular mobilization” following leadership calls to counter RSF advances. The mission reported that videos circulated online showed youth and children under 18 being trained by SAF officers, and that children were observed manning checkpoints in SAF-controlled areas. It said further investigation was required to determine whether children had been formally recruited and used by the SAF.

In January 2026, Volker Türk, the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, said he was: “deeply alarmed by the increasing militarisation of society by all parties to the conflict, including through the arming of civilians and recruitment and use of children” following a five-day mission to Sudan. Witnesses interviewed by Reuters also described 23 incidents in which at least 56 children were abducted by the RSF and allied militias in attacks dating back to 2023.

Social Media Platforms ‘Falling Short’

TikTok’s Community Guidelines say the platform is intended to “bring people together, not promote conflict,” and that it does not allow content involving “threats, glorifying violence, or promoting crimes that could harm people”. TikTok’s Youth Safety policies further states: “We don’t allow content that could harm young people—physically, emotionally, or developmentally.” 

Marwa Fatafta, a tech policy expert at digital rights organisation Access Now, told Bellingcat that the content identified in this investigation violates multiple TikTok policies. She pointed out that TikTok’s human rights commitments include the Convention on the Rights of the Child, which require states to take all feasible measures to ensure protection and care of children who are affected by armed conflict. 

Fatafta added that content involving child soldiers is prohibited under TikTok’s Human trafficking and Smuggling policy. She noted that it may also violate platform rules on violence and criminal behavior, given that the use of child soldiers can constitute a war crime under international law.

Facebook’s Human Exploitation policy also prohibits content that facilitates or exploits people through forms of human trafficking, including the recruitment of child soldiers. However, Fatafta told Bellingcat that Meta’s enforcement falls short of its stated commitments, saying: “Meta’s approach to moderating content coming from armed conflicts remains severely inadequate, ad-hoc and non-transparent.”

Sarah T. Roberts, Director of the Center for Critical Internet Inquiry at UCLA, said that while companies face intense scrutiny over child sexual exploitation material, especially from EU and US regulators, content involving child soldiers does not carry the same regulatory consequences and is therefore more likely to be deprioritised. 

“If they can’t see the value, the tendency within these firms is to want to reduce the costs,” Professor Roberts said. Roberts added that social media companies tend to focus on areas where regulatory pressure is strongest, saying: “Are they going to cut content moderation around child sexual exploitation, or will they let things go under the wire in parts of the world that don’t frankly matter to them?”

Sheldon Yett, UNICEF representative to Sudan, told Bellingcat: “Regardless of if a child is portrayed in uniform or otherwise, the recruitment of anyone under 18 is a grave violation of child rights. Social media platforms have an obligation to ensure effective content moderation to prevent platforms from being used to facilitate such exploitation. As this war grinds on into the third year, children in Sudan are particularly vulnerable, and social media platforms must do more to keep children safe.”

Responses to Bellingcat’s Findings

Bellingcat reported 12 TikTok accounts, as well as two viral audios featuring the RSF child soldier that had been used in more than 270 additional videos, through TikTok’s internal reporting mechanism. The reports were submitted under the category “Exploitation and abuse of people under 18,” which explicitly prohibits content that shows or promotes the recruitment of child soldiers.

The reported content included accounts of the child soldiers themselves, as well as ten additional RSF- and SAF-aligned accounts with large followings that had shared or amplified videos depicting the children.

After more than 48 hours had passed without action, Bellingcat contacted TikTok by email to request comment, providing direct links to the accounts and audios that had been reported.

Following our inquiry, TikTok removed seven of the 12 accounts flagged, including the pages of the child soldiers and both of the viral audios. In the remaining five cases, TikTok removed only the specific posts referenced in our correspondence, leaving the accounts active. At the time of publication, four of those accounts continued to host content depicting the child soldiers identified in this investigation. One video of the SAF “lion cub” has more than 3,5 million views and a separate account is still hosting nine videos of the RSF “lion cub” that have collectively been viewed hundreds of thousands of times. 

In response to Bellingcat’s findings, a TikTok spokesperson said: “We’ve removed content and accounts that violated our strict rules against facilitating and depicting human trafficking, including child soldiers. Of the content we removed for breaking these Community Guidelines, 98,2% was taken down before it was reported to us.” 

Bellingcat also reported three Facebook accounts through the internal reporting mechanisms, including accounts belonging to the two identified child soldiers and an account belonging to an RSF fighter with more than 10,000 followers that had posted multiple videos featuring the RSF “lion cub”. After more than 48 hours had passed without action, Bellingcat contacted Meta directly to request comment, sharing our findings and providing links to the reported accounts, which were subsequently removed.

In response, Meta said it had removed the content for violating its policies, stating: “We do not allow content, activity or interactions that recruit people for, facilitate or exploit people through the recruitment of child soldiers.” The company also pointed to a 2025 safety messaging campaign in Sudan aimed at raising awareness among young users about the risks of child soldier recruitment.

At the time of publication, one week after reaching out to TikTok and Facebook, more than a dozen posts featuring the “lion cubs” remained accessible across both platforms simply by searching for the boys’ names.

Update: This article has been updated to include TikTok’s removal of all remaining active accounts and to add a link to Radio Dabanga’s Arabic version.

This investigation was carried out in close cooperation with Radio Dabanga.

Merel Zoet, Galen Reich and Carlos Gonzales contributed to this report.

Riccardo Giannardi, a member of Bellingcat’s Volunteer Community, contributed research to this piece.

Bellingcat is a non-profit and the ability to carry out our work is dependent on the kind support of individual donors. If you would like to support our work, you can do so here. You can also subscribe to our Patreon channel here. Subscribe to our Newsletter and follow us on Bluesky here and Mastodon here.

The post Viral Child Soldiers on TikTok: The ‘Disney Stars’ of Sudan’s Civil War appeared first on bellingcat.

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On the night of Jan. 7 this year, three 250-pound bombs smashed into an apartment block in the Al Tuffah neighbourhood of northern Gaza. Footage of the aftermath shows walls collapsed, rubble piled up and blackened household items scattered across the scene.

Although a ceasefire has been in effect since October, and a Board of Peace led by US President Donald Trump has been announced to begin phase two of that process, Israel has continued to conduct strikes within Gaza

The IDF claimed they targeted a senior Hamas operative in response to a violation of the ceasefire agreement in the Jan. 7 attack. 

Two people were reported to have been killed.

While the strike was an Israeli operation, among the debris were munition remnants of at least three US-made GBU-39 Small Diameter Bombs, including one that failed to explode.

American-made munitions like these have played a significant role in Israel’s operations in Gaza. 

The US has provided billions of dollars worth of military aid to Israel over the years, and has enacted legislation providing at least US$16.3 billion in direct military aid since the most recent war began. In the first few months of the Trump Administration nearly $12 billion in major weapon sales to Israel were approved with deliveries scheduled to take years to complete.

However, human rights groups like Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch have said that US-made weapons have been used in Gaza in ways that have likely violated international law. Multiple international media reports have also identified individual instances of civilian harm likely caused by US weaponry deployed by Israel in Gaza.

A 2024 State Department report, completed during the administration of former President Joe Biden, even stated that due to Israel’s “significant reliance on US-made defence articles it is reasonable to assess” that they have been used in “instances inconsistent with its IHL [International Humanitarian Law] obligations or with established best practices for mitigating civilian harm” — although Israel says it operates within international law and seeks to mitigate civilian harm while aiming to dismantle Hamas’ military capabilities. 

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Yet the full extent of civilian harm in Gaza caused by the use of US-produced weapons remains unclear. 

Foreign media are not allowed into Gaza and the documentation of events there has relied heavily on social media footage and the work of local journalists, many of whom have been killed in Israeli air or ground strikes while carrying out their work.

Collating Incidents

Bellingcat has collated scores of incidents like the Jan. 7 strike in Al Tuffah where US-produced munitions have been found in the aftermath of Israeli strikes.

This analysis utilises publicly available media footage and identifies at least 79 specific cases, many of which caused death and damage to civilian infrastructure such as schools, homes and healthcare infrastructure.

While revealing, it is important to note that the data comes with some significant caveats and limitations that must be acknowledged before exploring it.

Gaza has been pummelled since the Hamas attacks of Oct. 7, 2023, when more than 1,200 Israelis were killed and hundreds more kidnapped. 

In response, Israel is reported to have deployed 30,000 munitions into Gaza in the first seven weeks of the conflict alone. The Israeli Airforce has also bombed over 100 different targets in Gaza in a single day multiple times.

This dataset – which details cases where US-made munition remnants have been found and evidence of their use published in media or posted to social media – therefore only captures a small fraction of the overall incidents over more than two years of war.

Furthermore, Israel and the US both produce some of the same munitions, such as the MK-80 series of bombs. The US supply of this series, especially the 2,000-pound MK-84 of which over 14,000 have reportedly been delivered since Oct. 7 2023, have been central to calls for the suspension of US arms transfers to Israel due to their destructive potential. 

But because Israel also makes these bombs domestically the country of origin cannot be definitively identified without specific remnants that show either the lot number, indicating the manufacturer, or other identifying information.

As a result a decision was made to try and track the use of three specific munitions that are made solely in the US and which Israel does not domestically produce. This, again, significantly reduced the number of incidents analysed. 

These munitions were Hellfire missiles, GBU-39 Small Diameter Bombs and Joint Direct Attack Munition (JDAM) bomb guidance kits. While this analysis does not track MK-80 series bombs, the JDAM kit is one of several guidance kits that can attach to bombs like the MK-84 but which is only produced by the US. 

The full dataset can be found here. The munition identifications were reviewed by Frederic Gras, an independent Explosive Remnants of War (ERW) Expert and Consultant.

Despite all of the above caveats and limitations, the analysis recorded 79 geolocated incidents where remnants of these three models of US-made munitions were either found in the aftermath of a strike or were captured in visual imagery in the moments before impact.

Beyond the 79 cases analysed and included in the dataset, other US-made munitions were identified in a further 26 cases, although it was not possible to geolocate the remnants or strikes prior to publication. It may be possible to geolocate the outstanding incidents in time. Bellingcat is, therefore, including these incidents in the dataset but notes further work is required for them. 

Many of the geolocations in the dataset were initially posted publicly by independent geolocators, or volunteers from the GeoConfirmed community, including Anno Nemo, Abu Location, fdov, Chris Osieck, Zvi Adler and Will Cobb. These geolocations were independently checked and verified by Bellingcat.

For the 79 incidents it was possible to geolocate, Bellingcat sought to compile reports of civilian harm. Yet given the lack of access afforded to international observers it was not possible to independently verify each of these reports of casualties or fatalities.

The reports, many of which cite health authorities in Gaza, detailed that at least 744 people were killed in these 79 strikes, including at least 78 women and 175 children. When reports offered a range for the number killed, or number of women and children killed, Bellingcat used the lower end of the estimate. 

Israel rarely provides estimates for civilian casualties from their strikes. It has also claimed that the Gaza Ministry of Health has exaggerated death tolls after specific strikes. Analysing previous public reporting of each incident in the dataset, Bellingcat found that the IDF had claimed at least 69 people that were reported killed in these attacks were militants belonging to Hamas or other factions. In one strike, where at least 33 people were reported killed, the IDF claimed to have targeted “dozens” of Hamas members, releasing the names of 17 people they said were part of Hamas. 

Bellingcat asked the IDF if they could provide a total for the number of people killed in the attacks listed in the dataset or for any specific strikes but they did not provide a figure. A spokesperson for the IDF provided information for eight strikes within the dataset that it said sought to hit “terrorist targets”. Bellingcat has noted this response beside each incident in the dataset.

The spokesperson added that Israel “strikes military targets and objectives in accordance with international law and takes all feasible measures to mitigate harm to civilians and civilian structures as much as possible.”

The Gaza Ministry of Health has reported that over 70,000 Palestinians have been killed in the conflict. While Israel has long disputed those casualty figures, Israeli media recently cited anonymous Israeli Defence Force (IDF) sources who said they believed them to be largely accurate. Israel has claimed to have killed about 25,000 militants in Gaza. 

Attacks on Schools

Attacks on schools, mosques, shelters and residences are all included in the dataset. In total, 28 strikes on schools using US made munitions were identified. GBU-39 bomb remnants were found at the site of 20 of these strikes. Most of these took place before the ceasefire of January 2025.

For example, the Khadija school in Deir Al Balah was targeted in three rounds of airstrikes on July 27, 2024 that used both GBU-39 bombs and MK-80 series bombs equipped with JDAM kits. Satellite imagery before and after the strike showed significant damage to the facility.

Video from the ground provided more detail, showing that the first round of airstrikes targeted five different areas of the school complex.

The unexploded bomb body of a GBU-39 was found inside the school, while the fuzewell from a GBU-39 bomb that exploded was photographed near the destroyed gate structure.

An evacuation notice was then reportedly issued, and two buildings on the eastern side of the complex were targeted with larger bombs, leveling the buildings there. An additional evacuation notice was reportedly issued before a third strike. 

A video of the third strike shows at least six people, including a child, visible within approximately 55 meters of where a bomb equipped with a US-made JDAM kit hit one of the already collapsed buildings on the eastern side of the complex.

These three strikes killed at least 30 people, including 15 children and eight women, according to reports collated by Airwars. At least 100 were injured, according to the same reports. Most people were reportedly harmed in the initial strikes, according to the UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights.

The United Nations reported at the end of February 2025 that 403 of 564 school buildings in Gaza had been “directly hit” in some manner, either by airstrikes or by other munitions. School buildings are often used as shelters. However, Israel has claimed in some instances that they were being used as Hamas command centres.

After the war resumed in March 2025, recorded strikes on schools generally appeared to use Israeli-made munitions. Only two strikes on schools since then were found to have used US made munitions – a May 2025 attack on the Fahmy Al Jarjawi school with at least three US-made GBU-39 bombs that killed 36 people, according to hospitals in Gaza, and a July 2025 strike on Cairo Basic School where five people were reported killed and where remnants of a Hellfire missile was found.

While the dataset shows no other attacks on schools using US munitions after this period, it is important to note that there may have been other instances where US-made munitions were used in such circumstances but which were not recorded.

Strikes on Healthcare Facilities

Two strikes using US-made munitions to directly target medical facilities were identified in this analysis. A Hellfire missile was used in a June 2024 strike on a health clinic in Gaza City that killed Hani al-Jafarawi, the director of ambulance and emergency services in Gaza. However, the IDF claimed the strike had killed “the terrorist Muhammad Salah, who was responsible for projects and development in Hamas’ Weapons Manufacturing Headquarters”.

The Gaza Civil Defence Headquarters in Al Daraj, Gaza City, was also targeted with a US-made GBU-39 bomb in September 2024. The bomb penetrated multiple floors but failed to explode, causing injuries but no deaths.

Five instances of US-made munitions being used for strikes near medical facilities were also identified. Four of these strikes used Hellfire missiles to target tents within approximately 150 meters of the Al Aqsa Martyr’s Hospital Main Complex in Deir Al Balah.

The fifth strike used a US JDAM likely attached to a MK-82 500-pound bomb to target the Al Aqsa Mosque across the street from the hospital, approximately 50 meters away from the main hospital complex. This strike killed 26 people, according to the Gaza Ministry of Health. 

A US Marine Corps manual on Close Air Support states that a MK-82 bomb delivered within 425 meters is considered “danger close”, with a bomb delivered within 250 meters being 100 times more dangerous than the minimum “danger close” standard.

Evacuation Strike Notices

Twenty-six strikes were identified where US munitions were used to target buildings including homes, schools and mosques after an evacuation notice was issued by the IDF. In 23 of these strikes there was no reported harm. However, there was significant harm recorded in others even with evacuation notices. 

Evacuation notices are notifications that provide advance warning of strikes and can be made on social media or sent to people’s phones. These notices often provide journalists on the ground time to set up cameras to record the incoming strikes. Such videos are occasionally of high enough quality to identify the bomb guidance kit attached as JDAMs kit as they fall, as can be seen in the video below.

لحظة قصف مسجد الألباني في مدينة خانيونس بصاروخين من طيران الحربي .
The moment the Al-Albani Mosque in Khan Younis
was bombed with two missiles by warplanes.

: Abdallah Alattar / Anadoluimages
1 أغسطس 2025 pic.twitter.com/U3Tad0veA6

— عبدالله العطار abdallah alattar (@abdallahatar) August 1, 2025

By Sept. 17, 2025 Israel said it had destroyed 25 high-rise buildings in preparation for their assault on Gaza City. Bellingcat was able to identify that at least seven high-rise buildings in Gaza City, including Al Soussi Tower, Al Roya Tower, and Al Roya 2 Tower, were issued evacuation notices then destroyed using MK-80 series bombs with JDAM kits.

The Aybaki Mosque, built in the 13th century, was also hit with MK-80 series bombs with JDAM kit, which the IDF told Bellingcat was a strike targeting the “deputy commander of heavy machine guns unit in Hamas, Khaled Nabil Saleh Shabat”. The IDF has claimed that these tall buildings host Hamas infrastructure, including observation posts and prepared attack positions.

The public warnings posted by the IDF for buildings targeted in Gaza City in September 2025 alerted residents of specific blocks, as well as those in the target building and adjacent tents to leave and head south towards the IDF declared humanitarian zone.

Prior to strikes in Lebanon where the IDF issued evacuation notices, maps were publicly posted requesting civilians evacuate at least 500 meters away. However, a review of public posts by the IDF for evacuation notices in Gaza from September 2025 found no notices that provide a specific evacuation distance.

Bellingcat asked the IDF if the content of evacuation notices sent to people’s phones differ in content from those publicly posted and why evacuation notices in Gaza appeared to not provide a recommended evacuation distance like those issued by the IDF in Lebanon. The IDF told Bellingcat that they issue “clear and detailed advance warnings through multiple channels, including communications published by the IDF Arabic Spokesperson and enables the civilian population to evacuate before strike.”

The distance people are told to evacuate prior to strikes is important as fragments from bombs, or the buildings being targeted, can still kill or injure people hundreds of meters away.

In one strike where an evacuation notice was given before the strike, a four-year-old girl, Razan Hamdiye, was reported killed. One person was also reported killed in the strike on the AlRoya tower.

After the airstrike targeting the Harmony Tower, a graphic video captured by the Anadolu Agency showed a group of people about 120 meters away had been either killed or injured by the strike, despite the evacuation notice.

US-made munitions have also been used in other IDF strikes, including one which reportedly killed the leader of Hamas’ Military Wing, Mohammed Deif. At least 90 people were reported killed in this attack and US-made JDAM remnants recovered. US munitions were also used in the September 2025 strike that reportedly killed Hamas Spokesman, “Abu Obayda” and at least six other people, where remnants of US-made GBU-39 bombs were found.

American-made munitions were also used alongside other unidentified munitions in the June 2024 IDF hostage rescue operation in Nuseirat, where 274 people were reportedly killed. These 274 deaths are not included in the 744 people reported killed in the incidents contained within the dataset due to the inability to identify the other weapons used in at least 13 strikes that occurred during the operation.

Bellingcat reached out to the IDF, the US Department of State, and the US Department of Defense before publishing this story. Bellingcat also asked the primary contractors for these munitions, Boeing and Lockheed Martin, about whether they track how their products are used in Gaza.

Boeing, which manufactures the GBU-39 bomb and JDAM bomb guidance kit did not respond. Neither did Lockheed Martin, which makes the AGM-114 “Hellfire” missile.

The Department of Defense declined to comment.

A spokesperson for the US Department of State said “The US Government is not able to make such determinations” when asked how many civilian deaths could be attributed to the use of US-made weapons in Gaza. 

Bellingcat asked if the State Department held a different assessment than the NSM-20 which was introduced under President Biden and determined that it was reasonable to assess that US-made weapons were used by Israel in instances “inconsistent with its IHL obligations or with established best practices for mitigating civilian harm”. The spokesperson said “NSM-20 is no longer US policy.”

The State Department referred other questions about the use of the munitions highlighted in this article to the Israeli Defence Forces, who told Bellingcat that they do not detail the munitions they employ and that Hamas exploits “civilian infrastructure for terrorist purposes”.

Jake Godin and Carlos Gonzales contributed to this report.

Afton Briones, a member of Bellingcat’s Volunteer Community, contributed research to this piece.

Bellingcat is a non-profit and the ability to carry out our work is dependent on the kind support of individual donors. If you would like to support our work, you can do so here. You can also subscribe to our Patreon channel here. Subscribe to our Newsletter and follow us on Bluesky here and Mastodon here.

The post Made in the USA: How American-Built Weapons Have Wrought Destruction in Gaza appeared first on bellingcat.

A Bellingcat investigation has identified remnants of an AGM-88 series missile inside a three-storey apartment complex that was hit in Catia La Mar during the US military raid on Venezuela on Jan. 3, 2026 that reportedly killed at least one civilian. 

According to the Venezuelan independent media outlet, El Pitazo, Rosa Gonzalez, 79, was killed in this airstrike in the city of Catia La Mar in La Guaira State, 30 km north of the capital Caracas. The attack reportedly left a second individual severely wounded.

Bellingcat asked the US Department of Defense to confirm our findings. However, they stated that “a Battle Damage Assessment is ongoing”. We also reached out to the Department of State but they did not respond to our questions at the time of publication.

The Jan. 3 US attack on Venezuela targeted multiple locations across the country, including military installations and areas within and around the capital, Caracas. US military helicopters, jets and drones provided cover for an assault force that landed at Fort Tiuna,  the largest military complex in Caracas; captured President Nicolas Maduro and First Lady Cilia Flores, and flew them out of the country.

About 75 people, including civilians, were killed in the operation, US officials familiar with the matter told the Washington Post. Among the military fatalities were 32 Cuban and 21 Venezuelan soldiers, according to various media reports.

According to El Pitazo, a second woman, Yohana Rodríguez Sierra, 45, was killed, and her daughter wounded, in other strikes at a communications station at Cerro El Volcán. Multiple residential houses were also reportedly destroyed in the nearby area of La Boyera.

The military operation in Caracas follows a series of attacks on alleged drug boats which have reportedly killed at least 114 in the Caribbean Sea and the Eastern Pacific Ocean.

Identifying the Munition

Bellingcat has found videos showing the aftermath of the Catia La Mar attack and remnants of the munition filmed at the location. The strike destroyed some exterior walls of one apartment complex and caused extensive damage to at least two apartments.

Bellingcat geolocated the apartment complex to an area in Catia La Mar about 30 km north of Caracas (10.592796, -67.037721) and approximately 500 m east of a targeted air defence storage inside a military facility.

One video also reveals remnants of a munition. According to an analysis of visual evidence by Bellingcat, the remnants appear to show an AGM-88 series missile.

Another remnant of the AGM-88 series missile appears in a video published by Euronews. This remnant is a BSU-60 tail fin, that according to an analyst note on the Open Source Munitions Portal (OSMP), is used exclusively with the AGM-88 series missile.

The AGM-88 HARM/AARGM series are American-produced air-to-surface missiles that are designed to hit ground-based radar-emitting targets, such as air defence systems like the Buk-M2E used by Venezuela’s military, with several of them destroyed during the US military raid.

“Venezuela does not operate the AGM-88 HARM. Its F-16 acquisition occurred in 1983, when the US wouldn’t release anti-radiation tech to the region,” Dr Andrei Serbin Pont, International Analyst and President of the Regional Coordinating Centre for Economic and Social Investigations, CRIES, told Bellingcat. Later Israeli upgrades added guided munitions/AAMs, not ARMs, he said.

According to TheWarZone, Venezuela did not receive any precision air-to-surface munitions, such as the AGM-88 series missiles. The Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI) Arms Transfer Database does not report any transfers of AGM-88 missiles to Venezuela.

US Navy aircraft were photographed in the region with AGM-88E AARGM missiles in the weeks before the operation. Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, General Caine, stated that jets of this type, designed to suppress and destroy air defences, took part in the operation.

Air Defence Systems Targeted

The US struck several air defence systems across Venezuela as part of the operation, with Buk-M2E launchers being destroyed at  La Guaira Port, and the Higuerote and La Carlota airbases. Satellite imagery from Vantor shows that the area near a BuK-M2E storage building at Fort Guaicaipuro was also struck, but no air defence systems can clearly be seen.

According to satellite imagery, Buk-M2E launchers appear to have been stored at the military base approximately 500m from the residential building that was hit.

Bellingcat was not able to determine what caused the missile to strike the apartment building or if Buk-2ME launchers at Catia La Mar or a different system were the intended target. 

The AARGM variant is capable of having designated missile “impact zones” and “avoidance zones” programmed to determine where the missile can or can’t impact when used on missions, a feature added to “prevent collateral damage”.

Bellingcat asked the US Department of Defense if any weapons used in the operation transmitted a weapons impact assessment or other data that indicated they hit an unintended or civilian location. They said that a Battle Damage Assessment is ongoing.

Carlos Gonzales, Giancarlo Fiorella, Jake Godin, Trevor Ball and Youri van der Weide contributed to this report.

Bellingcat is a non-profit and the ability to carry out our work is dependent on the kind support of individual donors. If you would like to support our work, you can do so here. You can also subscribe to our Patreon channel here. Subscribe to our Newsletter and follow us on Twitter here and Mastodon here.

The post Inside the Strike: The US Munition That Hit a Residential Building in Venezuela appeared first on bellingcat.

In the early hours of June 13, Israeli missiles slammed into apartment buildings across the Iranian capital, Tehran. 

By morning, it became apparent that nine men Israel said were closely associated with the country’s nuclear programme were dead. 

Videos posted to social media showed buildings in flames and rescue workers sifting through rubble as they looked for survivors.

Dozens of civilians who lived in the same apartment blocks as those targeted also died in the strikes. In one instance, a 14-storey residential tower completely collapsed.

But this was just the start, the opening shots of what Israel dubbed Operation Rising Lion – a 12-day operation targeting Iranian scientists, nuclear sites, security figures and military capabilities.

While Iran sought to fight back, launching missiles and drones at Israel, the damage and death toll inflicted by Israel was far greater.

On day 10 of the operation, the United States joined with Israel, carrying out strikes on nuclear sites at Fordow, Natanz and Isfahan.

Bellingcat worked with FRONTLINE (PBS), The Washington Post and Evident Media to piece together the events of the 12-day war to try and understand the true impact of the strikes on Iran’s nuclear programme. Iran maintains the programme is peaceful but Israel has long suspected that it is designed to develop nuclear weapons.

FRONTLINE filmmakers were given access to Iran, where they visited the sites of some of the strikes and spoke to neighbours and relatives of those who were killed as well as high-ranking Iranian officials.

The Washington Post also spoke to senior intelligence and military sources involved in Operation Rising Lion, and the filmmakers visited Vienna to speak with the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), the organisation that has been responsible for monitoring Iran’s nuclear programme.

Bellingcat, alongside The Washington Post, analysed open source information such as satellite imagery, social media footage, local media coverage, death notices and cemetery records to understand how the attacks on Iranian scientists unfolded as well as analyse the civilian cost of the conflict.

US viewers can watch the full film below.

Full reporting reporting from The Washington Post on this topic can be found here and seen on FRONTLINE’s YouTube channel, at pbs.org/frontline, on PBS stations and in the PBS App.

Trevor Ball, Carlos Gonzales, Sebastian Vandermeersch and Eoghan Macguire reported for Bellingcat. Sebastian Walker and Adam Desiderio reported for PBS Frontline. Nilo Tabrizy and Jarrett Ley reported for The Washington Post.

Bellingcat is a non-profit and the ability to carry out our work is dependent on the kind support of individual donors. If you would like to support our work, you can do so here. You can also subscribe to our Patreon channel here. Subscribe to our Newsletter and follow us on Twitter here and Mastodon here.

The post Investigating the Impact of US-Israeli Strikes on Iran’s Nuclear Programme  appeared first on bellingcat.

Last month, in the dead of a cold Autumn night, residents in the Ukrainian town of Balakliia were woken by the sound of two massive explosions.

Social media footage showed apartments ablaze, balconies obliterated and a deep crater smouldering in a parking lot.

Three people were killed and 13 injured in the November 17 attack, Ukraine’s State Emergency Services (SES) said. Four of those injured were children, the SES added. A kindergarten, situated just over a hundred metres from one of the impact sites, was also reported to have suffered damage.

Since the beginning of the full-scale invasion of Ukraine, schools, educational facilities and spaces used by children have repeatedly been damaged in strikes or closed because of them.  

According to the United Nation’s agency for children, UNICEF, many schools remain closed or continue to be disrupted by air raid alarms. Almost one million children have also been forced to study online, UNICEF states.

Balakliia lies in Kharkiv Oblast in the north east of Ukraine. Another Russian strike carried out there earlier in November caused damage near the town’s main square. Located just over 100 metres away was a high school and not far from that a local theatre school. While neither of those facilities appeared to be directly damaged, many other educational institutions have not been so lucky.

Educational Facilities in the Firing Line

A Ukrainian government website (saveschools.in.ua) has been tracking the number of kindergartens, high schools, colleges and universities that have been damaged and destroyed across the country.

At time of publication 3,676 educational facilities have been damaged nationwide and 394 destroyed, according to saveschools.in.ua.

These trends are reflected in social media data collected by Bellingcat.

Since the start of Russia’s full-scale invasion, Bellingcat has been gathering and verifying social media footage showing incidents of civilian harm. 

More than 2,500 incidents have been identified during this period, including attacks on hospitals, power stations, residential buildings and cultural sites. The full dataset is public and can be found here. But this is likely just a fraction of the damage caused across Ukraine as the data only captures incidents recorded and published on social media channels that have been verified.

Amongst this dataset are more than 200 cases of educational facilities that have been damaged or destroyed.

In September this year, for example, social media footage captured the moment a Russian drone hit an administrative building at Kharkiv’s National University of Pharmacy.

As far  back as July 2022, a school for the visually impaired in eastern Kharkiv was hit by Russian rockets, leaving windows smashed and classrooms burned out.

Just a few months before that, footage posted online appeared to show the remains of a missile that hit a school in the town of Merefa, situated around 30 kilometres to the southeast of Kharkiv.

Kharkiv’s Youth Bears Burden

More educational facilities have been damaged or destroyed in Kharkiv Oblast than in any other territory currently held by Ukraine, according to Bellingcat’s dataset and saveschools.in.ua statistics.

In Kharkiv city and its surrounding areas, Bellingcat found and archived footage of at least 26 schools, kindergartens, colleges or universities that have been damaged and destroyed since Russia’s full-scale invasion. A further 36 strikes that impacted areas around educational facilities in Kharkiv but did not directly hit them were also verified and archived by Bellingcat.

Sustained attacks on educational facilities as well as widespread disruption to studies caused by the war are having a lasting impact on Ukraine’s young people, children’s rights groups say. 

A report from Save the Children earlier this year detailed how attacks on educational facilities had doubled in Ukraine over the course of 2024. The same report found that parents were scared to send their children to school and that many children were being forced to resort to online learning at home.

A 2024 report from UNICEF has found Ukrainian children are falling behind children in other countries across all/multiple subjects including  reading, maths and science.

In Balakliia, journalists from Agence France-Presse (AFP) bureaus in Paris and Kharkiv spoke to teenage student Bohdan Levchykov who said he studies at home and seldom leaves the house. Levchykov also spoke about the impact of losing his father in the early months of the war.

About an hour’s drive to the northwest, in the town of Khorocheve, a psychologist with the non-profit Voices of Children , Maryna Dudbyk, told AFP that the ongoing war means that everyone is living under stress. 

“This has a huge impact on children’s emotional state,” she said.

“We diagnose a lot of fear and anxiety among children. Adolescents suffer from self-harm, suicidal thoughts, and the loss of loved ones.”

Beyond Schools

Other facilities, beyond schools, regularly enjoyed by children have also been impacted by the war, compounding the challenges young people face.

Bellingcat’s dataset found 28 incidents where swimming pools, parks, football pitches, bowling alleys or museums had been impacted in and around Kharkiv. A further 16 incidents were recorded in areas surrounding such facilities. The below interactive shows (in red) incidents where educational or recreational facilities used by young people have been impacted by Russian strikes in and around Kharkiv. The other markers in the map (in purple) detail additional civilian harm incidents Bellingcat has been able to verify. A wider dataset of showing incidents that have impacted areas surrounding educational and recreational facilities can be found here.

One video from March this year showed young men playing football scrambling for cover as a drone can be heard overhead before an explosion can be seen.

Although Ukraine’s policymakers are facing many challenges as Russia’s invasion of Ukraine approaches its fifth year,  the mental health of the country’s youth is on their minds.

Oksana Zbitnieva, head of the Interministerial Coordination Center for Mental Health told AFP that “130,000 frontline health professionals—nurses, pediatricians, family doctors—have received certified training as part of a WHO mental health program.” 

Meanwhile, more than 300 “resilience centres” welcome children and parents across the country, with three hundred more expected to be built next year, according to Ukrainian Social Affairs Minister Denys Uliutine. 

New concepts are also being tested and tried.

In Kharkiv, underground schools – located beneath the streets of the city – are being set up to help bring children back into the classroom.

City authorities told AFP there would be 10 underground schools operational by the end of 2025.

At a school visited by AFP, a rotating system allows it to continue offering children in-person education, even if only for a limited time, each week. The school enables every  child to attend  half a day of their class in-person each week. When the  child returns home they continue their education via remote classes, while another student comes into school for their half day spot. This allows the school to accommodate 1,400 children, including on weekends. 

Yet recent events in Kharkiv highlight that normal life is far from returning, despite recent peace efforts.

At the end of October, a kindergarten in the west of the city was struck by a Russian drone.

Footage from the scene showed panicked parents and disoriented children being carried from away by emergency workers as smoke billowed from the kindergarten.

Despite the scale of the destruction visible in social media footage, only one person (an adult male) was reported to have died during this strike.

For many youngsters in Ukraine, there may be no reclaiming the childhood that war has taken from them.

But Bohdan Levchykov in Balakliia believes there are still things to look forward to.

He told AFP about  the friends he had made online   – including one named Lana who lives more than 400km away in the city of Dnipro- and his  hopes of  meeting them in real life one day.

“I’ve talked about it with my mother,” he told AFP. 

“Maybe our parents can arrange something for us to meet,” he said hopefully.

Eoghan Macguire, Youri van der Weide and Logan Williams contributed to this report for Bellingcat as did Stéphanie Ladel and Olivia Gresham from Bellingcat’s Volunteer Community.

Boris Bachorz reported and conducted interviews for AFP with the help of Natalia Yermak.

A version of this story can be found on the website of the Central European Digital Media Observatory (CEDMO) website.

Bellingcat is a non-profit and the ability to carry out our work is dependent on the kind support of individual donors. If you would like to support our work, you can do so here. You can also subscribe to our Patreon channel here. Subscribe to our Newsletter and follow us on Twitter here and Mastodon here.

The post How Russia’s Invasion is Impacting Ukraine’s Youth appeared first on bellingcat.